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review of Mr. Doug'as' many crimes against | It was this: freedom in Kansas, says:
" It is g'atifying, “ Popular sovereignty in Kansag was stricken down however, to make a single remark in his fa- by unholy combination in New England to ship men to
Kanisas-ROWDIE- AND VAGABONDS-Wi h the Bible in vor; it is this: that he seems as willing as one hand and Sharpe's rifle in the other, TO SHOT the most ardent of his friends to divert atten- DOWN THE FRIENDS 08 FREE INSTITUTIONS tion from this period of his career. I am not
AND SELF GOVERNMONT. Popular sover ignty in aware that, in either essay or a dress he has Kansas was stricken down by the combinations in the
Northern States to carry elections under pretence of ventured to recur to it; but on the contrary, emigrant aid societies. In retaliation, Missouri forined he seems disposed to treat as a blink in his aid societies, too; and she, following your example, life.” Mr. Hickman has overlooked Mr.
sent men into Kansas, and then occurred the conflict.
I condemn both, but I condemn A TH USAND FOLD Douglas' speech in the Senate on the 29th of more those that set the example and struck the first February last, when he repeated the most of
blow than those who thought they woull act on the fensive and disreputable thing he ever said principle of fighting the devil with his own weapons,
and resoried to the sume means that you have emconcerning the civil war in that Territory. I ployed.”--Cong. Globe, 1859-60, page 9i6.
PART III.- MISCELLANEOUS. MR. DOUGLAS BELIEVES IN TIIE HIGHER LAW. inoculating large numbers of them with the
In his Chicago speech of October 23d, 1850, belief that the one is as good, as moral, as in defense of the Fugitive Slave Law, Mr. beneficial as the other. Donglas said:
CONGRESS MUST DETERMINE WHEN “The general proposition that there is a law PARAMOUNT TO ALL HUMAN ENACTMENTS--the law of
POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY SHALL BEGIN IN A the Supreme Ruler of the Universe--I TRUST THAT
In his copyright essay published in Harshould recognize, respect and revere the the Divine per's Magazine last year, Mr. Douglas substanlaw."-Sheuhan's Life of Douglus; page 184. tially admits the Republican doctrine con
It is true that Mr. Douglas went on to argue cerning the relation of Congress to the that the Divine law does not prescribe the Teritories, by saying: forms of human government, but all his sub
“It. [sovereignty] can only be exercised WHERE seqnent logic is not a match for the plain, une- THERE ARE INHABITANTS SUFFICIENT TO CONquivocal statement here given that " there is STITUTE A GOVERNMENT, AND CAPABLE OF
PERFORMING ITS VARIOUS FUNCTIONS AND a law paramount to all human enactments ! ”
DUTIES-A FACT TO BE ASCERTAINED AND
DETERMINED BY CONGRESS. WHETHER HE DON'T CARE WHETHER SLAVERY IS VOTED THE NUMBER SH LL BE FIXED AT TEN, FIF
'I EEN OR TWENTY THOUSAND INHABITANTS, DOWN OR VOTED UP.
DOES NOT AFFET THE PRINCIPLE." It was with this epigramma ic phrase that If the number may be fixed at ten, fifteen Mr. Douglas sigoalized his objection to the or twenty thousand inhabita' tt, it may of Lecompton Constitution on the 9th of Decem- course be fixed at one hundred thousand or ber, 1857, when he sp ke as follows:
any other number sufficient to cons.itute a “But I am told on all sides; "oh! jast walt; the State. pro-slavery clause will be voted down.' That does not obviate any of my obligations; it does not diminish any of them. You have no more right to force a Free
HE IS UTTERLY OPPOSED TO SQUATTER SOVState Constitution on Kansas than a slave State Con
EREIGNTY." stitution. If Kansas wants a Sluve state Constitution, she has a right to it; if she wants a Free State Con
In a colloquy with Senators Davis and stitution, she has a right to it. It is none of my busi-Gwin, in the Senate, o. the 171h of May, 1860, ness which way the slavery clause is decided. VCARE Mr. Douglas utterly repudiated squatter sovNOT WHETHER IT IS VOTED DOWN OR VOTED UP.”—Cong. Globe, 1857-58, part 1, puge 18.
ereignty,” in the following words : It is in material whether we take this phrase invented by the Senator and those with whom he acts,
“Regarding Squatter Sovereignty as a nickname as an expression of Mr. Douglas' opinions on
which I have never recogniz d, I must leave him to dethe abstract question of slavery, or as a defini. fine the meaning of his own term. I have denounced tion of the views which he seeks to impress Squatter Sovereignty when you find it setting up a upon his followers as a leader of the Demo- government in violation of law, as you do now at Pike's
Peak. I denounced it this year. When you find an cratic party, and to incorporate in the legisla- unauthorized Legislature, in violation of law, setting tion of the country as it Senator and a states- up a goverument without sanction of Congress or Court,
There man. Yet if there is any moral difference be- that is Squatter Sovereignty which I oppose. tween the two ideas, it is, doubtless, in favor whole people without any law or Territorial organiza
is the case of Dakotah, where you have left a of the former. As an individual he may tion, with no mode of appeal from squatter Courts to deem slavery as good a thing as freedom, the United States Courts to correct their d -cisionswithout exercising any wide-spread influ'nce tution and laws of the United States.
that is Squatter Sovereignty in violation of the Consti
There is a simi. for barm. As a Senator, he cannot vote that lar governm-nt set up over a part of California and a slavery is as good as fre dom, without stamp- part of the Territory of Utah, called Nevada. ing the legislation of his country with that have denounced that as unlawful. I am opposed to all
“It has a delegate here. claiming to represent it. I baleful idea.
As the leader of a numerou, par such Squatter Sovereignty. If that is what the Senaty, be cannot instil in his followers the princi- tor referred to, I am against it. ple that they ought not to care whether sla- ple of a Territory, when they have become organized
under the Constitution and laws, have legislative power very be voted down or voted up, without over all rightful subjects of legislation, consistent with
the Constitution of the United States. That is the lan- THER IT MAY OR MAY NOT GO INTO A TERRI. guage of the law, and if they exercise legislative powers TORY UNDER THE CONSTITUTION, THE PEOPLE on any subject inconsistent with the Constitution of the HAVE THE LAWFUL MEAN TO INTRODUCE IT United S'ates, the Courts, to whom appeal may be taken OR EXCLUDE IT AS THEY PLEASE, for the reason under the laws, will correct their errors. That is all. that slavery cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere, un -Cong, Globe, 1859-60; page, 2147.
less it is supported by police regulations. Those police
regulations can only be established by the local legis. HE REPUDIATES TERRITORIAL SOVEREIGNTY, ALSO. lature, and if the people are opposed to slavery they
will elect represer tatives to that body who will by The fol owing extract from Mr. Douglas' unfriendly legislation effectually prevent the introduc
tion of it into their midst. If, on the contrary, they letter in reply to Judge Black's criticism on
are for it, their legislation will favor its extension his Harper's Magazine Essay, puts everythi:g Hence, NO MATTER WHAT THE DECISION OF at sixes and sevens again as regards his views THE SUPREME COURT MAY BE on that abstract of the sovereignty which belongs to the people question, still the right of the people to make a slave
Territory or a free Territory is perfect and complete of a Territory. In that letter he says: under the Nebraska bill.. I hope Mr. Lincoln deems
“I have never said or thought that our Territories my answer satisfactory on that point.”- Lincoln and were sovereign political communities, or even limited Douglas Debates, page 95. sovereignties like the States of this Union."
Let the reader contrast these utterances And again, in a colloquy with Mr. Clay, of with the Wickliffe resolution, adopted by the Alabama, in the Senate, February 23d, 1859, Douglas National Convention, and Mr. Doug. he was still more explicit in denying sover- las' letter of acceptance, (page 7, ante). eignty to the Territories :
“I will answer the Senator's question. First-I do A QUESTION WHICH HE WILL NOT ANSWER. not hold that squatter sovereignty is superii r to the Constitution. I HOLD THAT NO SUCH THING AS
In his colloquy with Mr. Davis, in the Sen. SOVEREIGN POWER ATTACHES TO A TERRI ate, May 17th, 1860, Mr. Douglus refused to TORY WHILE A TERRITORY. I hold that a Territory possesses whatever power it derives from the Con; would not sign a bill to protect slave proper.
answer the question whether he would or stitution, under the organic act, and no more. I hold that all the power that a Territorial Legislature posses- ty in the Territories, if he were President of ses is derived from the Constirution and is amendments, the United States. This is a question which under the act of Congress; and because I held that, I has an immediate and special significance, the consent of Congress, could a-semble at Lecompton and one which each voter has a right to put to and create an organic law for that people. I denied the Mr. Douglas and every other candidare for validity of your Lecompton Constitution, for the reason President or Vice-President. that constitutions can only be made by sovereign power; have Mr. Douglas' reply, or bis refusal to
Fortunately we was not a constitution but a petition."-Cong. Globe, reply on record. The colloquy was as follows: 1859-59, part 2, page 1246.
"MR. DAVIS-If it will not embarass the Senator, I It will be noticed, also, that in these re- would ask him, if, as Chief Executive of the United marks, Mr. Douglas supplied a link hitherto States, he would sign a bill to protect slave property in missing in the chiin which binds him to the State, Territory or District of Columbia--an act of Con
gress. Dred Scott decision. It is this: the Supreme other man to say what hills he will sign when he is in a Court say that whereas Congress cannot prohibit slavery in the Territory, it cannot dele position to execute the power.
"MR. DAVIS-I shall not ask you a question further gate such power to a Territorial Legislature. than you wish to answer-certainly not. Mr. Douglas steps in at this point and says he pleases, and I shall answer them when I please ; but
Mr. Douglas—The Senator can ask all the questions that all the powers vested in a Territory are
I was going to say that I do not recognize the right to derived through the act of Congress organiz- catechise me in this way. The Senator has no right to ing it. They have no powers that are not so do it after sneering at my pretensions to the place which derived. Hence if Congress cannot prohibit he assumes that I desire to occupy:
“MR. DAVIS-I grant the Senator the right not to an. slavery in a Territory, neither can the people swer the question, though it seemed to me to be leading of the Territory do so by any means whatever. very directly up to an exact understanding between us
as to what he meant by non-intervention. I, however,
will not press that, or any other question, against his UNFRIENDLY LEGISLATION.
wishes.".-Cong. Globe, 1859-60; puge,
2147. The doctrine of “unfriendly legislation” against the rights of property, as declared by MR. DOUGLAS' views OF NATIONAL PARTIES AND the Dred Scott decision, vas promulgated by
NATIONAL CREEDS. Mr. Douglas in his debate with Mr. Lincoln,
Since Mr. Herschel V. Johnson has been at Freeport, on the 23th of August, 1858, as hooted down by a mob in his own State, and follows:
since the creed of the Douglas party has been The next question propounded to me by Mr. Lin-tabooed in at least one-thild of the States of coln is, can the people of a Territory in any lawful Union, it will be interesting to all persons to way, against the wishes of any citizen of the United learn the views of nationality entertained by formation of a Constitution? I answer emphatically, Mr. Douglas himself; and it is difficult to find as Mr. Lincoln has heard me answer a hundred times a broader joke with which to conclude this from every stump in Illinois, that in my opinion the pleasing compilation. We close by quoting the people of a Territory can, by lawful means, exclude from his speech at Cincinnati
, on ihe 9th of State Constitution. Mr. Liccoln knew that I had an- September, 1859, as reported in the New York swered that question over and over again. He heard Times of Sept. 12th: me argue the Nebraska bill on that principle all over the State in 1854, in 1855, and in 1856, and he has no
"ANY POLITICAL CREED
IS RADICALLY excuse for pretending to be in doubt as to my position WRONG WHICH CANNOT BE PROCLAIMED IN on that question. IT MATTERS NOT WHAT WAY THE SAME FORM WHEREVER THE AMERICAN THE SUPREME COURT MAY HEREAFTER DE- FLAG WAVES OR THE AMERICAN CONSTITU. CIDE AS TO THE ABSTRACT QUESTION WHE- TION RULES.”
TERMS-$10 PER THOUSAND.-Address, with Cash,
1860, Sept.24. Breytendanu. A Greens, tt. Do, complet 130storu.
THE HOUR AND THE MAN. 19. gavor of the Banglow he bridento 174,3
It is fortunate for the country, that, in the 1852, and the Territories of Kansas and Nemidst of a political crisis like the present, the braska were organized on the same basis in great issues are so distinctly made up that no 1854. Subsequently, in 1857, the Supreme man need misunderstand them. The whole Court expressed the opinion which all citizens excitement is about the political relations to the alike concur in and accept, that slaveholders general government of the Negro Question ; can emigrate with their slaves to the Territoit has been fanned into a flame by the persistent ries, for all the power Congress had to free the discussions and harangues of public men, latter when there, and, of course, leaving it North and South, and will not permit the atten- with the inhabitants of the Territories, through tion of the country to be turned to any legiti- their legislatures, to extend the local protecmate topic of legislation until it has first been tion such peculiar property requires, or to allayed.
refuse it that protection altogether. Thus, There are two ultra, extreme, and fanatical then, were these two points adjusted and underparties to this question, which is the reason why stood by the country: first, that slaveholders it has become so threatening in its aspects: the might take their slaves with them into the TerRepublicans of the North, declaring their fixed ritories, if they chose; but, second, that they determination to keep Slavery out of the com- must look to the people there to give slaves a mon Territories by Congressional legislation, local property value, or their peculiar claims to and by such legislatici only,-although the high- | them were not assured : and it is solely upon est judicial tribunal of the country has declared these points that the party occupying a safe that Congress possesses no such prohibitory constitutional ground between the extremists of authority, and although they know very well, the North and South has taken its stand in the too, that no such legislation is possible; and present campaign and crisis. the Disunionists of the South insisting, on their The position of that party, therefore, is just side, that Congress shall pass laws to protect this :—the People of the Territories are alone
is to say whether Slavery shall exist as an institaken into them, on the admitted ground that tution among them, or not; and, constitutionwithout such positive protection by law Slavery ally, they will say so, while yet in a Territorial could not exist. The first party would legislate condition, either by enacting positive local laws Slavery out of the Territories the second for its protection, or by refusing to enact such party would legislate it in. And this is the laws at all. Without such protective legislawhole cause and origin of the present excite- tion, it is conceded on all sides, North and ment, which threatens to engulf every thing South, that it can have no existence. In this which the human race holds precious, in gen- way the dangerous agitation is taken out of eral ruin. It is plain enough that between these Congress, and the whole matter left, for the two extremes, each of which has gained such people themselves to settle, on a strict constiominous strength and magnitude, there can be tutional basis. For if the settlers, from considno common understanding. Each professes to erations based on climate and soil, believe that have drawn the sword and thrown away the negro labor is likely to be for their interest, it scabbard. It is likewise just as plain that a is manifestly proper that they should assume the safe and constitutional course for the great body responsibility of establishing it as a system; but of the people, in this emergency, must lie in it, on the other hand, they are averse to such a neither one path nor the other, but somewhere system,-whether from moral reasons, or from between them, and, as it happens, in a plain motives of interest, or both,—they will fail to and well-understood measure to which each extend to it that protection without which it extreme has already once agreed.
can have no certain existence in any locality The Compromises of 1850 were solemnly whatever. And they who choose to take propsubscribed to, after long and patient discussion, erty of so purely local a character with them by the oldest and wisest statesmen of the time. into the common Territories, will do it with the On their basis, it was agreed that, for the future, knowledge beforehand that if enough others of all legislation by Congress respecting the status the inhabitants are not of their own mind, they of slavery in the Territories should be aban- cannot demand, or expect, the passage of such doned; the entire subject was to be remanded laws as that sort of property requires for an to the people of the Territories for their deter- existence. mination, who, being on the ground and most Nothing is more easy than for moralists, who. immediately interested, would be likely to know are apt to go off at half-cock, to declaim what they really wanted much better than against the justice and righteousness of such a members of Congress in Washington could position in political matters; but until they can know for them. To this pacific, fair, and sensi- themselves furnish a fairer, better, and, all the ble plan, the whole country in turn assented in I while, more practical policy, based, too, on
are even SO
exact constitutional principles, and carefully If it is nothing more than an abstraction, of aiming to include and regard the rights, inter- course there is no use in talking about reducests, and feelings of all the people of the whole ing it to practice. Now will any one, who is country,—they must, if they are patriots, agree not yet wholly delivered over to insanity, tell to be silent. They can devise nothing so good, us if the Republican plan of legislating slavery in the Union; if they would carry their point out of the Territories can ever be put in practice out of the Union, let them dare openly to say under our present form of government? Or It is time they were understood.
if the fire-eating doctrine of legislating Slavery It is just as pernicious to charge, too, that into the Territories can be put in practice, those men who, with calm judgment and a wise either? And if they cannot, then how can it foresight, espouse this policy, in our present be made out that both of these extreme parties critical situation,-known as the policy of Non are not themselves abstractionists,—and that the INTERVENTION,—are therefore disposed to policy of Non-Intervention is not the only pracfavor the spread and wider establishment of the tical policy and doctrine as yet proposed ? institution of Negro Slavery, or
Suppose the Republicans do elect their Presmuch as indifferent to its spread and establish- ident; what are they going to do next? Can ment; they simply declare their unwillingness they pass laws in Congress, which their Chief to become a meddlesome party to a question Executive will stand ready to enforce, with that is to be settled solely by their fellow- the whole army and navy of the United States citizens in the Territories, feeling sure that the at his back, forbidding slaveholders to take latter will, in good time, adjust all questions their slaves into the common Territories, when to their own peaceful and permanent satisfac- the highest Court of the nation has decided tion. They further declare, in the spirit of a that they may? On this single issue, even if true and generous patriotism, their unwilling they could elect their President, the Republi: ness to involve this freest republic on the globe can party could not carry a working majority in a quarrel that, to-day, threatens all our more in either branch of Congress; and the only pracprecious institutions with a common ruin. tical measure remaining—that of Non-InterUnquestionably they entertain their individual vention-would have to be finally adopted. opinions on the subject, each and all of them ; Besides,—the Republicans have already acbut they sternly refuse to thrust in those opin- cepted and indorsed this very policy of Nonions where they have no right, and where, too, Intervention; they deliberately voted in Conthey can work only the widest and wildest gress, under the Crittenden-Montgomery Bill, mischief.
to remand back to the people of Kansas the Foremost among all our public men and so-called “Lecompton Constitution,” and solstatesmen of to-day, STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS emnly agreed that if the people declared for represents and embodies in his career this safe the establishment of slavery in their midst, and sound political doctrine of Non-Interven- they should have it,—but otherwise, not ! Here, tion. No man living has more boldly, unflinch- then, is an open and deliberate adoption of ingly, and consistently upheld it and defended the policy of Non-Intervention on the part of it, in all its length and breadth. He has shown the Republicans; it seems it was no mere abthat neither the flattery of friends nor the oppo- straction two years ago, whatever they may sition of foes could for a moment shake his agree for party purposes to call it to-day. And steadfastness where steadfastness was above all further than this, one of their prominent Senthings necessary. He, pre-eminently, seems to ators, about the same time, introduced a bill have conceived the high patriotic spirit in into the Senate, giving the people of Arizona which the foundations of this broad policy were authority to elect all their territorial officers, laid; and, in the defence of its leading points from the Governor downwards ! It surely must and the thorough comprehension of its under- have been a queer abstraction, that promised lying principles, he has proved his perfect to be so popular and to work so well. Have ability, as a statesman, to cope with the difficul- they dropped it, then, from patriotic, or from ties of one of the most dangerous issues that has selfish and sectional motives? Is it any more beset us, in the whole course of our political of an abstraction now, than it was then? On history.
the other hand,—could the Secessionists and The doctrine of Popular Sovereignty, which Disunionists carry out their scheme for a Slave is the legitimate fruit of this rule of Non- Code in the Territories? Never. The North Intervention, has been flouted and ridiculed by would no more consent to that than the South the political gamblers who realize how perfectly would to the Republican plan of legislation. it blocks the wicked game, in which they play No sane man seriously thinks of such a thing. with the happiness of more than thirty millions Besides, if the South insist on congressional of people as a stake; they call it the hard name legislation for Slavery, its protest against conof an empty and sounding Abstraction !—as if gressional legislation inimical to Slavery at it were no more than one of their own base once loses its whole force; all interference with and unworthy political tricks, instead of the the subject, on the part of Congress, has long great and enduring principle on which such' ago been declared, both by Congress and the men as Clay and Webster, Cass and Calhoun, people of the country, full of mischief and believed this Negro Question could be settled practically impossible. The leading men of forever!
all sides have so agreed to consider it. Here, then, stand the two extreme parties angrily the Territories, is specious and sophistical; it facing one another; each professedly deter- implies, in the first place, that we lack faith in mined to carry into practice its own dogma, man to do for himself what shall be both right when it is known beforehand to be not only and for his highest interests,—and in the second impracticable, but of the last danger to the place, that we are bound to make and keep continued union of these States. It is conceded men free from sin even against their own that neither of these parties can carry its own choice; this last is mere casuistry, and has plan into effect; while it is undeniable that the nothing to do with politics. Politics is no abparty occupying a safe, constitutional middle- straction, as we said before, but the veriest ground between them both, and pledged to practicability conceivable. Moreover, if a citNon-Intervention from beginning to end, is the izen of any free State entertains so conscienonly party that can expect, in this present tious a concern about keeping slave labor out crisis, to receive the indorsement of the patri- of the Territories, all he has got to do is simply otic and peace-loving masses of the country. to show his conscientiousness by removing into
This Non-Intervention policy, too, is some- them at once, and fairly and openly doing thing of a positive nature; it is not a mere what he can, and what he would have an negation, like a profession of general philan- undoubted right to do, to forward the desire thropy without any ability to reduce itself to nearest his heart. He would be especially practice; nor, on the other hand, is it a de- anxious to do this, too, if he knew that thus he mand, made in the spirit of a threat, that a could not only strike a blow at Slavery, but peculiar kind of property, existing only by the perpetuate the unity and peace of the States law of certain localities, shall receive govern- also. Far from us would be the desire to influment protection where it can neither claim ence his fixed opinion, or to cavil at his enternor obtain it. The two factions that stand in taining whatever opinions on the subject to such hostile attitudes over against one another him might seem best; we would do nothing put forth pretensions that can never be realized, more than suggest to him a practical, and still and which they know can never be realized; a peaceful, mode of furthering the aims by while here is a broad, sound, safe, and positive which he has set so large a store. measure, already agreed to once by both fac- It is worth while to consider, also, that if we tions that are now engaged in opposing it, and scout so fair, so constitutional, so deinocratic, squarely indorsed by the whole country in the and so thoroughly safe a mode of adjusting an Presidential years of 1852 and 1856. We overgrown evil at this time, on the plausible, hazard nothing in the assertion that this same but very untenable, ground that it is our duty statesmanlike measure will receive its third
to protect the new Territories against such an and final popular indorsement in the coming evil as slavery, and thus make the matter seFall election, and that the reliable statesman cure against all possible chances and miswho has so courageously held all parties alike chances in the future,— we manifestly publish to their own sacred pledge and covenant, will our belief that the citizens of the several be triumphantly selected to see that the legal States, in going to reside in the Territories, provisions of that measure are every where have parted in some mysterious way with the faithfully and religiously executed.
capacity they clearly possessed, in the States, The people cannot go over this ground thus for self-government, and are less fitted, as hastily outlined in the above remarks, too citizens of the Territories than as citizens of often or with too much thoroughness. It has the States, to administer affairs of higher income to that point at last, where each one of us terest to themselves than to any other persons must sit down to ask himself in all seriousness living ! The very statement is sufficient to if we can live together in peace any longer; | betray a shaken, if not a tottering, faith in the and if it be possible, then upon'what terms perpetuity of self-government, and so, of and conditions ? The time demands the ser- course, in the progress and exaltation of the vices of no mere politicians, but of statesmen
human race. When once we declare, or even only; publicists of large, varied, and thorough feel, a timid fear lest our citizens cannot take experience, who understand men, and compre- better care of themselves than any fostering hend the interests and sentiments of all parts government establishments at a distance can of the country, and would see exact justice for them, we may as well say farewell to every done to all alike.
thing else ; for, surely, the moment the people Reflection will only make the solution pro- themselves are incapable of being trusted, all posed for our present difficulties more plain else has gone by the board. It was against and simple to every man's comprehension. just this paralyzing timidity on the part of The scheme of Non-Intervention is perfectly those who happened to be associated with our clear to the common mind, wears no air of government at the time, that Jefferson boldly fraud or trickery, has not the remotest resem- took and courageously maintained the stand he blance to sectionalism, and, best and chiefest of did, signalizing his career as a public man all, asserts over again the perfect capability of as that of no other public man has been sigman, under a free government, to fashion and nalized in our history. It was he who laid the establish his own political institutions. The corner-stone of true Democracy in the imobjection so eagerly made to it, that we neglect mortal Declaration of Independence; and, our duty in neglecting to keep slavery out of happily for us as a people, his faith in man