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which have been amply fulfilled; and your scrupulous | rally, for the prosperous course of our affairs, publick and adherence now to the law then imposed on yourself, can- private; and, at the same time, humbly and fervently, to not fail to demonstrate the purity, whilst it increases the beseech the kind Author of these blessings graciously to lustre of a character, which has so many titles to adınira- prolong them to us—to imprint on our hearts a deep and tion.

solemn sense of our obligations to him for them; to teach Such are the sentiments with which we have thought fit us rightly to estimate their immense value ; to preserve us to address you. They flow from our own hearts, and we from the arrogance of prosperity, and from hazarding the verily believe, that among the millions we represent, there advantages we enjoy by delusive pursuits ; to dispose us to is not a virtuous citizen whose heart will disown them. merit the continuance of his favours, by not abusing them,

All that remains is, that we join in your servent suppli- by our gratitude for them, and by a correspondent conduct cations for the blessings of Heaven on our country; and as citizens and as men—to render this country more and that we add our own for the choicest of those blessings on more a safe and propitious asylum for the unfortunate of the most beloved of her citizens.

other countries; to extend among us true and useful knowledge; to diffuse and establish babits of sobriety, order, mo

rality, and piety; and, finally, to impart all the blessings GENTLEMEN : Your very affectionate address produces

we possess, or ask for ourselves, to the whole family of emotions which I know not how to express. I feel that

mankind. my past endeavours in the service of my country are far

In testimony whereof, I have caused the Seal of the overpaid by its goodness; and I fear much that my future

United States of America to be affixed to these preones may not fulfil your kind anticipation. All that I can

sents, and signed the same with my hand. Done promise is, that they will be invariably directed by an hon

(L.s.) at the City of Philadelphia, the first day of Januaest and an ardent zeal. Of this resource my heart assures

ry, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, me. For all beyond, 1 rely on the wisdom and patriotism

and of the Independence of the United States of of those with whom I am to co-operate, and a continuance

America the nineteenth. of the blessings of Heaven on our beloved country.


By the President :



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S FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF By the President of the United States of America.


Friends and Fellow-Citizens : When we review the calamities which afflict so many The period for a new election of a citizen to administer other nations, the present condition of the United States the Executive Government of the United States, being affords much matter of consolation and satisfaction. Our not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your exemption, hitherto, from foreign war, an increasing pros- thoughts must be employed in designating the person who pect of the continuance of that exemption, the great de- is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me gree of internal tranquillity we have enjoyed, the recent proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct exconfirmation of that tranquillity by the suppression of an pression of the publick voice, that I should now apprise insurrection which so wantonly threatened it, the happy you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being concourse of our publick affairs in general, the unexampled sidered among the number of those out of whom a choice prosperity of all classes of our citizens, are circumstances is to be made. which peculiarly mark our situation with indications of the I beg you at the same time, to do me the justice to be Divine beneficence towards us : In such a state of things, assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a it is, in an especial manner, our duty as a people, with de- strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the vout reverence, and affectionate gratitude, to acknowledge relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and our many and great obligations to Almighty God, and to that, in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence, implore him to continue and confirm the blessings we ex- in my situation, might imply, I am influenced by no dimiperience.

nution of zeal for your future interests; no deficiency of Deeply penetrated with this sentiment, I, GEORGE WASH- grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported INGTON, President of the United States, do recommend to by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. all religious societies and denominations, and to all persons The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office whomsoever within the United States, to set apart and ob- to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a serve Thursday, the nineteenth day of February next, as a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and day of Publick Thanksgiving and Prayer; and on that day to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I to meet together and render their sincere and hearty thanks constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in to the Great Ruler of Nations, for the manifold and signal my power, consistently with motives which I was not at mercies which distinguish our lot as a Nation : Particularly liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which for the possession of constitutions of government which unite, I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my incliand, by their union, establish liberty with order ; for the nation to do this, previous to the last election, had even preservation of our peace, foreign and domestick; for the led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; seasonable control wbich has been given to a spirit of dis- but mature consideration on the then perplexed and critical order in the suppression of the late insurrection ; and gene- posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled ple. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, me to abandon the idea.

as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination in- to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragecompatible with tbe sentiment of duty or propriety; and ment to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my a former and not dissimilar occasion. services, that in the present circumstances of our country, Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament you will not disapprove my determination to retire. of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to

The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous fortify or confirm the attachment. trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the dis- The unity of Government, which constitutes you one charge of this trust, I will only say, that I have with good | People, is also dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main intentions contributed towards the organization and admin- pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the supistration of the Government, the best exertions of which a port of your tranquillity at home; your peace abroad; of very fallible judgement was capable. Not unconscious, in your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experi- you so highly prize. But, as it is easy to foresee, that from ence in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of different causes, and from different quarters, much pains will others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of my be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken the conviction self; and every day the increasing weight of years admon- of this truth ; as this is the point in your political fortress ishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as against which the batteries of internal and external enemies necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if will be most constantly and actively (though often covertany circumstances have given peculiar value to my servi- ly and insidiously) directed; it is of infinite moment that ces, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, you should properly estimate the immense value of your that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the poli- National Union, to your collective and individual happitical scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

ness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and imIn looking forward to the moment which is to terminate moveable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think the career of my publick life, my feelings do not permit and speak of it, as the palladium of your political safety me to suspend the deep acknowledgement of that debt of and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a honours it has conferred upon me; still more for the stead- suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and infast confidence with which it has supported me, and for the dignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my in- to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to violable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have parts. resulted to our country from these services, let it always For this you have every inducement of sympathy and be remembered, to your praise, and as an instructive ex- interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common counample in our annals, that under circumstances in which the try, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, The name of American, which belongs to you, in your amidst appearances sometimes dubious—vicissitudes of for- national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patune, often discouraging—in situations, in which, not un- triotism, more than any appellation derived from local disfrequently, want of success has countenanced the spirit of criminations. With slight shades of difference, you have criticism—the constancy of your support was the essential the same religion, manners, habits, and political principrop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which ples. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphthey were effected. Profoundly penetrated by this idea, ed together; the independence and liberty you possess are I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the dangers, sufferings, and successes. choicest tokens of its beneficence—that your union and But these considerations, however powerfully they adbrotherly affection may be perpetual—that the free con- dress themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighstitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacred-ed by those, which apply more immediately to your intely maintained—that its administration, in every depart- rest; here every portion of our country finds the most ment, may be stamped with wisdom and virtue—that, in commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving fine, the happiness of the People of these States, under the union of the whole. the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so care- The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the sul a preservation, and so prudent a use, of this blessing, South, protected by the equal laws of a common Governas to acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the ment, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additionapplause, the affection, and the adoption of every Nation al resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and which is yet a stranger to it.

precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the North, sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce expand. apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, Turniny, partly into its own channels, the seamen of the on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated: and, contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and insome sentiments which are the result of much reflection, crease the general mass of the national navigation, it looks of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a Peo- | itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive im- ful lesson on this head; they have seen in the negotiation provement of interiour communication, by land and water, by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the will more and more find, a valuable vent for the coinmodi- Senate, of the Treaty with Spain, and in the universal ties which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions progrowth and comfort; and what is, perhaps, of still greater pagated among them, of a policy in the General Governconsequence, it must, of necessity, owe the secure enjoy- ment, and in the Atlantick States, unfriendly to their inment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, to terests in regard to the Mississippi : they have been witthe weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of nesses to the formation of two Treaties, that with Great the Atlantick side of the Union, directed by an indissolu- Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them every ble community of interest as one Nation. Any other te- thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, nure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages, apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign Power, on the Union by which they were procured? Will they must be intrinsically precarious.

not, henceforth, be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, While, then, every part of our country thus feels an im- who would sever them from their brethren, and connect mediate and particular interest in the Union, all the parties them with aliens ? combined cannot fail to find, in the united mass of means To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a Gov. and efforts, greater strenyth, greater resource, proportion- ernment for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, howably greater security from external danger, a less frequent ever strict, between the parts, can be an adequate substiinterruption of their peace by foreign nations; and what is

tute; they must, inevitably, experience the infractions and of inestimable value, they must derive from union, an ex- interruptions which all alliances in all times have experiemption from those broils and wars between themselves, enced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have imwhich so frequently aflict neighbouring countries, not tied proved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitogether by the same Government; which their own rival

tution of Government, better caleulated than your former, ships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which op- for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management posite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would of your common concerns. This Government, the offstimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid spring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adoptthe necessity of those overgrown military establishments, ed upon full investigation and mature deliberation, comwhich, under any form of Government, are inauspicious to pletely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powliberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hos- ers, uniting security with energy, and containing within tile to Republican Liberty; in this sense it is, that your itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liber- to your confidence and your support. Respect for its auty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the thority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its meapreservation of the other.

sures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of These considerations speak a persuasive language to true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the contin-right of the People to make and to alter their constitutions uance of the Union as a primary object of patriotick de- of Government: but, the constitution which at any time .sire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government exists, till changed by an explicit—an authentick act of the can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. whole People, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very To listen to mere speculation, in such a case, were crimi- idea of the power and the right of the People to establish nal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organiza- Government, pre-supposes the duty of every individual to tion of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of govern- obey the established Government. ments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all comissue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full binations and associations, under whatever plausible chaexperiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to racter, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constitushall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will ted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental princialways be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who, ple, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize facin any quarter, may endeavour to weaken its bands.

tion, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force, to put In contemplating the causes which may disturb our in the place of the delegated will of the Nation, the will Union, it occurs, as matter of serious concern, that

any of a Party, often a small but artful and enterprising minoground should have been furnished for characterizing par- rity of the community; and, according to the alternate ties by geographical discriminations—Northern and South- triumphs of different parties, to make the publick Admiern-Atlantick and Western; whence designing men may nistration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous endeavour to excite a belief that there is a real difference projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and of local interests and views. One of the expedients of wholesome plans, digested by common counsels, and modiparty to acquire intluence within particular districts, is to fied by mutual interests. misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You However combinations or associations of the above de. cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies scriptions may now and then answer popular ends, they and heart-burnings which spring from these misrepresenta- are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potions: They tend to render alien to each other those who tent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprinciought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The pled men, will be enabled to subvert the power of the inhabitants of our Western country have lately had a use. People, and to usurp, for themselves, the reins of Govern


ment; destroying, afterwards, the very engines which lift- | ruption, which find a facilitated access to the Government ed them to unjust dominion.

itself, through the channels of party passions. Thus the Towards the preservation of your Government, and the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the permanency of your present happy state, it it requisite, policy and will of another. not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppo- There is an opinion that parties in free countries are sitions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you re- useful checks upon the administration of the Government, sist, with care, the spirit of innovation upon its principles, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within however specious the pretexts. One method of assault certain limits, is probably true, and in Governments of a may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, altera- monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if tions which will impair the energy of the system, and thus not with favour, upon the spirit of party. But in those of to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it the changes to which you may be invited, remember that is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tentime and habit are, at least, as necessary to fix the true dency it is certain there will always be enough of that character of Governments, as of other human institutions; spirit for every salutary purpose ; and there being constant that experience is the surest standard by which to test the danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of publick real tendency of the existing constitution of a country ; opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis quenched, it demands uniform vigilance to prevent its and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless bursting into a fiame, lest, instead of warming, it should variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a Government free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted with of as much vigour as is consistent with the perfect security | its adıninistration, to confine themselves within their reof liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such spective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of a Governinent, with powers properly distributed and ad- the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. justed, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers name, where the Government is too seeble to withstand of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatthe enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the ever the form of Government, a real despotism. A just society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to rights of person and property.

satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of I have already intimated to you, the danger of parties reciprocal checks, in the exercise of political power, by in the State, with particular reference to the founding of dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take constituting each the guardian of the publick weal against a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments, solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of ancient and modern; some of them in our country and party, generally.

under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as neThis spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, cessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. People, the distribution or modification of the constituIt exists under different shapes, in all Governments; more tional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of by an amendment, in the way which the Constitution the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is designates: But let there be no change by usurpation ; for truly their worst enemy.

though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of The alternate domination of one faction over another, good, it is the customary weapon by which free Governsharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissen- ments are destroyed. The precedent must, always, greatly tion, which, in different ages and countries, has perpetrated over-balance, io permanent evil, any partial or transient the most horrid enormities, is, itself, a frightful despotism : benefit which the use can, at any time, yield. But this leads, at length, to a more formal and permanent Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political despotisın. The disorders and miseries which result, gra- prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. dually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, in the absolute power of an individual ; and, sooner or who should labour to subvert these great pillars of human later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of pub- man, ought to respect and to cherish them. lick liberty.

could not trace all their connexions with private and pubWithout looking forward to an extremity of this kind lick felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of relithe common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party gious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise of investigation in courts of justice ? And let us with People to discourage and restrain it. It serves always to caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maindistract the publick councils and enseeble the publicktained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded the influence of refined education, on minds of peculiar jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, part against another, foments, occasionally, riot and insur- that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious rection. It opens the door to foreign influence and cor- principle.

It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a ne- Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed and cessary spring of popular Government. The rule indeed bloody contests.

The rule indeed bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and extends, with more or less force, to every species of free resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, congovernment. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look trary to the best calculations of policy. The Government with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of sometimes participates in the national propensity, and the fabrick ?

adopts, through passion, what reason would reject; at Promote then, as an object of primary importance, in- other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subserstitutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In pro- vient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, portion as the structure of a Government gives force to and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace publick opinion, it is essential that publick opinion should often, sometimes, perhaps, the liberty of nations has be enlightened.

been the victim. As a very important source of strength and security, So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for cherish publick credit. One method of preserving it, is another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the to use it as sparingly as possible ; avoiding occasions of favourite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also, that common interest, in cases where no real common interest timely disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently exists, and insusing into one the enmities of the other, prevent much greater disbursements to repel it: Avoiding betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justioccasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of fication. It leads also to concessions to the favourite napeace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may tion of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity injure the nation making the concessions ; by unnecessathe burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The exe- rily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by cution of these maxims belongs to your Representatives, exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in but it is necessary that publick opinion should co-operate. the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld: And To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who essential that you should practically bear in mind, that to- devote themselves to the favourite nation) facility to betray, wards the payment of debts there must be revenue; that or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without to have revenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes can odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the be devised which are not, more or less, inconvenient and appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendunpleasant; that the intrinsick embarrassment inseparable able deference for publick opinion, or a laudable zeal for from the selection of the proper objects (which is always publick good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for corruption, or infatuation. a candid construction of the conduct of the Government As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, in making it; and for a spirit of acquiescence in the mea- such attachments are particularly alarming to the enlightsures for obtaining revenue, which the publick exigencies ened and independent patriot. How many opportunities may at any tiine dictate.

do they afford to tamper with domestick factions, to pracObserve good faith and justice towards all nations; cul- tise the arts of seduction, to mislead publick opinion, to tivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality influence or awe the publick councils! Such an attachenjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does ment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlight nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. ened, and (at no distant period) a great Nation, to give to Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conmankind the magnanimous and 100 novel example of a jure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a People, always guided by an exalted justice and benevo- free People ought to be constantly awake; since history lence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things, and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the per- the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead manent felicity of a Nation with its virtue? The experi- of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one forment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which eign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and by its vices ?

serve to veil and even to second the arts of influence on the In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essen- other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the tial than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against par- favourite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while ticular Nations, and passionate attachments for others, its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of should be excluded ; and that in place of them, just and the People, to surrender their interests. amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is with them as little political connexion as possible. So far a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulis sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. filled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight none, or a very remote relation. Hence, she must be encauses of umbrage, and to be baughty and intractable, gaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are when accidental or triding occasions of dispute occur. essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it

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