not be much left for redress, by the time that it could take place. But the great force of the arguments on this side, was principally directed to the present unusual and extraordinary stretch of parliamentary authority; it was acknowledged that a supreme undefined power was ultimately lodged in the legislature; but it was insisted, that such an exertion of it could only be justified by the most urgent necessity; and that as no such necessity now existed, it was a wanton violation of public faith, law, and the constitution, without an equitable motive. That it was the invasion of a right, which parliament had not granted but sold; a right for which the faith of the nation was pledged, and which could not be taken away without an act of forfeiture in the Company; nor even in that case without due compensation. That this violent and dangerous exertion of power must not only destroy the credit of the India Company, but also affect the Bank, the South-Sea, and all other public companies, none of which could have any other securities than those which were now violated; that whenever a war took place, the effects of this unjust and pernicious measure, upon the national credit in general, would be too late and too fatally experienced; and that it was not less dangerous in its principle, nor mischievous in its precedent, to the city of London, and all the other corporate bodies in the British empire. A particular charge was also made upon administration, with regard to their motives for this sus pension. It was said that they had arbitrarily and capriciously suspended the legal course of business in the court of proprietors, and forced this matter into parliament only to gratify a private resentment; that the Company had been officially informed by their chairman, and deputy-chairman, (the only medium through which they could have any communication with government) that the measures relative to the supervision were approved of by administration; but that as soon as it was found that the Company did not choose to intrust their affairs in the hands of those who were nominated for that purpose by the ministers, they immediately set their face against the whole measure, and now had the fortune to find the House so compliant as to adopt their resentments. It was observable, that many of those, who either in themselves or their families, were under great obligations to the Company, and particularly such as had obtained vast fortunes in her service, now joined administration in this bill. The effects of the party disputes with respect to the appointment of supervisors, were also very visible upon this occasion. Though the question was debated warmly and ably by the opposition, such was the force of the general odium in which the Company stood, and such the weakness arising from its internal dissensions, that the numbers against the bill were very trifling. Besides, many of the opposition had not then come to town. Upon a division late at night, and not a very thin House, the bill was carried by a majority of more than five to one, the numbers being 153, to 28, only. The restraining bill was presented the next day to the House of Lords, and it being so near the holidays, was carried through with the since his exercising them in the strictest conformity to all the rules of law, general equity, and moral conduct, is not sufficient to prevent parliament from interesting its sovereign powers to divest him of those rights; by means of which insecurity, the honourable distinction between the British, and other forms of government, is in a great measure lost; that this misfortune is greatly growing upon us, through temporary, occasional, and partial acts of parliament, which, without consideration of their conformity to the general principles of our law and constitution, are adopted rashly and hastily upon every petty occasion; that, though it may be the greatest dispatch. It did not, however, pass without opposition; though, as in the other House, the opponents were few. A noble duke, who had long been distinguished in opposition, and who of late had applied himself with uncommon industry to obtain a perfect knowledge of India affairs, traversed this bill with great vigour and almost alone, for the short time in which it was passing through its several stages. As the bill was brought in on a Saturday, and a report was spread in the evening, and inserted in the news-papers, that it had been carried that day through its last reading, (a matter, however uncommon, which was readily believed) the India Com-difficult to fix any legal limit to the pany had not time to go through the nesessary forms, for assembling in its corporate capacity, and framing and presenting a petition, before the following Wednesday, on which it was finally passed. A petition signed by 14 proprietors was, however, received, and witnesses were examined, and counsel heard at the bar against the bill. We shall take notice of some of the arguments that were used upon this occasion, as far as they were peculiar to the place, or may seem to throw new light upon the subject. As the House of Lords is close shut, we are obliged for the arguments of the minority in that house to their protests; those of the ministry we must suppose nearly the same with those used in the House of Commons. It was urged against the bill, that the arbitrary taking away of legal franchises and capacities, without any legal cause of forfeiture, established a precedent, which leaves no sort of security to the subject for his liberties; VOL. XVI. extent of legislative power; it is to be supposed, that parliament is as much bound as any individual to the observance of its own compacts, or otherwise it is impossible to understand what public faith means, or how public credit can subsist. That the India Company might have been legally called in question, and even its charter endangered, for a neglect of exercising those necessary powers with which it is entrusted, and the use of which it is now proposed to suspend ; and that it must be a government composed of deceit and violence, where men are liable to be punished, if they decline, or to be restrained if they endeavour to exercise their lawful powers. That it appears by evidence, upon oath at the bar, that the Company had been authoritatively informed, that the commission for regulating their affairs would have been approved of by administration; and that their situation was peculiarly unfortu[F] nate, nate, when driven from all confidence in public faith, and the laws of their country, they should find no security for their charter privileges even in those very ministers, under whose sanction they had every possible reason to believe they were acting. It was much objected to, that the bill was brought in at a season, when the House is always ill attended, and hurried through with à violent, and, it was said, indecent precipitation. That a reason of fact was alledged in the preamble, stating the expence of the commission to be very considerable; and they had not before them any account or estimate of the expences actual or probable, nor were supplied with any accounts tending to shew the present ability or inability of the Company to bear it; so that the Lords were to assert facts, and on those facts to ground a law, altering the condition, and suspending the charter rights of the Company, without a possibility of knowing whether the facts were true or false; and that with a determination to continue uninformed, it had been refused to call for the evidence of the directors concerning the expence; or, in a matter of such importance, both in itself and its example, to follow the ancient settled parliamentary course of desiring a conference with the Commons, in order to be acquainted with the evidence which they received as the grounds of their proceedings. It was said, that it must be a matter of astonishment to the public, who had for a long time earnestly and anxiously looked to the Company, or to parliament, for redress of the grievances in India, to find, at length, that the latter is only employed in preventing the former from doing its duty; that, instead of correcting the abuse, they oppose themselves to the reformation; that, when it was expected that those who had wronged the Company should have been brought to exemplary punishment, the suffering. Company itself is deprived of its rights; and, instead of calling delinquents to account, the persons legally empowered to correct or restrain them, are by parliament suspended from their office. that On the other side, besides many of those arguments which we have before seen stated in support of the bill, it is said, that the charge upon administration of having at one time given a sanction to the commission for superintending the Company's affairs, was positively denied with respect to such of its members as belonged to House; and reasons were brought to shew why it could not be well founded with respect to others. As to the dangers that were apprehended from this measure with respect to the national credit, they were represented as merely imaginary; and it was said that it would have a totally contrary effect, as the Dutch, who had much more money in our public funds, than any other foreigners, would think themselves much safer, when they found that the India Company was under the care and protection of parliament, than if they had been abandoned to their own wild schemes of regulation and management. That they had no evidence that this bill was contrary to the Company's inclinations, any more than to their interests; that the petition they they had heard at the bar, was no corporate act, and was signed only by fourteen proprietors, out of about seventeen hundred, of which the Company consisted; that the vast majority by which it was carried through the other House, where the most ample information was obtained of the Company's affairs, and the very small number that had dissented to it, sufficiently shewed the justice, propriety, and expediency of the measure. Other charges or censures were answered, by the shortness of the time, and the advantage the Company might take of parliament during the recess. Upon a division the bill was carried by nearly a proportional majority, to that which had attended it in the House of Commons, 26 lords having voted for it, to 6 only who opposed its passing; it was, however, followed by a remarkably pointed and severe pro test. CHA P. VII. Expedition against the Caribbs in the island of St. Vincent. Some account of these people; black and yellow Caribbs; cession of the island by the late treaty of peace. The Caribbs refuse to have their lands surveyed, and to submit to the proposed transplantation. New proposals made and rejected. Troops ordered from North America; proposal for transporting the Caribbs to the coast of Africa. Enquiry set on foot in the House of Commons, as to the nature and causes of the expedition; witnesses examined; debates; resolutions moved, and rejected upon a division. Treaty concluded with the Caribbs. Petition from the captains of the navy for an addition to their half-pay; opposition to the Petition; received, upon a division, and the request complied with. Fate of the Dissenters Bill. Motion relative to tests required in the Universities; rejected by a great majority. AN N expedition which had been undertaken against the Caribbs in the island of St. Vincent, in the West Indies, had occasioned considerable debates in the course of this session. It appears that these people consisted of two different races, which, from their colour, were distinguished by the appellations of Black and Yellow Caribbs; the latter, being descended from the original natives, were the natural proprietors of the island; the former were the offspring of a cargo of African negroes, who being on board an English slaving vessel bound to Barbadoes, had been east away upon the coasts of St.Vin cent, about a century ago. The soon soon became far superior in power and number to the natives, who melted away insensibly as the strangers increased. In this state the Caribbs continued for some time, until the French, from the neighbouring islands, insinuated themselves among them, being tempted by the excellence of the soil, and the cheap purchases which they made of it, for brandy, and the trifling necessaries that were wanted by the savages; and by degrees got such footing as to become possessed of all the fertile, vallies that intersect the mountains on the leeward side of the island, and to bring them into a state of cultivation. Though the French and the Caribbs, of both colours, lived in general together upon very good terms, and the latter, in process of time, adopted the religion, and acquired the language of the former; yet the neighbourhood of cultivation and villages was as little suited to the convenience and necessities of a people who subsisted principally by hunting and fishing, as it was to their genius. Mankind, in any state near that of nature, shun crowds, and love retirement; still wishing to live free and unrestrained in their actions, without observation or interference. The Caribbs accordingly totally abandoned their ancient possessions, and retired to the windward, and level side of the island. It however appears, though we are uninformed as to the time and particulars, that an attempt was once made by the French to enslave these people and that the Caribbs defended their liberty so stoutly, that the French were not only glad to renounce the design, but were obliged to ac knowledge them as a free and independent people. Notwithstanding this migration and attempt, a friendly intercourse and correspondence was in general continued, and the French not only seem to have paid a proper attention to their dispositions and manners, but to have applied themselves assiduously to the gaining of their friendship and affection; while the Caribbs obtained a power of summary justice in their own hands, by burning the houses and plantations of those from whom they had received any injury. It is probable that these excesses were not often committed; and it does not appear that the French ever considered them as sufficient grounds for a general quarrel, or revenged them as public injuries. During this state of affairs, and until the late treaty of peace, the French King, upon every occasion, treated the Caribbs with some distinction, and seemed to consider them as proprietors of the island. By that treaty, the island of St. Vincent was ceded to Great Bri-, tain, without any notice being taken of the Caribbs. It was then supposed to contain between four and five thousand French inhabitants, and the Caribbs to amount to upwards of a thousand fighting men. As this island was one of those which had been declared neutral, and the French settlements on it were infractions of former treaties between the two nations, they were passed over in the present, without the smallest mention, as if none such were in existence. Commissioners were appointed for the sale of the profitable lands in those islands; but the French set tlers were permitted to hold their former |
