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be the consequences of a perseverance in such conduct on the part of the colonial authorities, so far as the welfare of the colony is concerned. Were it the sole object of her majesty's government to see the liberation of the slaves in Cuba accomplished, no matter by what means, or at what cost of blood, and social order, they could hardly wish a more certain course to be pursued than that which during the past year the government of Madrid appear to have permitted, if not sanctioned, in those officers. It is, however, the earnest prayer of her majesty's government that the fearful catastrophe with which Cuba is threatened may yet be averted. But whatever measures with this view the Spanish government may in its prudence adopt, the flagrant violations of the treaties with Great Britain which are almost daily perpetrated in Cuba, and the equivocations and false statements with which the remonstrances of her majesty's servants have been met by the representative of the Spanish crown, give her majesty's government the right to require, that effectual means shall be taken to put an end to these acts, and to prove that they are not committed under the authority of the government of Madrid.

"It is the conviction of her majesty's government, that the honourable observance of the treaty of 1845 is impossible, unless the penal law prescribed by it shall be enacted and enforced, and unless General O'Donnell shall be recalled from the government of Cuba."-Ibid, pp. 24—26.

In consequence of the urgency of the British government, the penal law demanded, or rather an equivalent for it, was passed by the Cortes last year. Like all other measures of the kind, it will prove futile. It is intended to meet the exigency of the moment, and nothing more.

LEGISLATION IN BRITISH GUIANA.
To the Right Honourable W. E. GLADSTONE, Her Majesty's
Secretary of State for the Colonies, &c.

Sir,-By the last West Indian Mail, the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society have been made acquainted with the fact that a bill to enlarge the jurisdiction of the inferior courts of criminal justice in British Guiana, had been submitted to the consideration of the Court of Policy by the attorney-general, with the sanction of his excellency the governor of that colony; and that there was no doubt of its receiving the sanction of that body, and of its becoming law, unless her Majesty should be pleased to disallow it.

As this is justly regarded by the emancipated classes and their friends, both in the colony and in this country, as another in the series of attempts to bring the labouring population of the colony within the power of their masters; and as it has already created the greatest alarm amongst them, the committee take the liberty, sir, of calling your early attention to it, and of submitting to you some reasons why they would deprecate its becoming law.

of Essequibo, though not a planter, if the committee do not greatly err, is not qualified either by education, activity, or firmness of purpose, to control the local justices who may be associated with him; and even if he were possessed of the requisite legal knowledge and moral courage, which would qualify him to discharge his duty as chairman of his court, he could always be over-borne by the votes of his colleagues, whatever might be his own convictions of duty. The sheriff of Berbice, formerly in the East India Company's service, is generally, and the committee think, justly regarded by the emancipated classes, as their enemy, or, at all events, their traducer, and the friend of the planters. From him, the committee fear the labourers would not expect to receive justice. The committee have ventured to direct your attention to these facts, not in the spirit of hostility to these gentlemen; but because they are satisfied that if these inferior criminal courts are necessary to the administration of justice, they ought to be so constituted as to inspire all parties in the colony, especially the labouring classes, with respect for its members, and with confidence in their decisions. In the second place, the greatest objection is felt to the extraordinary powers intended to be conferred on these courts. They are "to hear and determine by a majority of votes all cases of breaches of the peace, petty thefts, and other offences committed within the jurisdiction of the supreme court of criminal justice;" and to inflict a punishment not other than or exceeding imprisonment, with or without hard labour, for a term not exceeding six months, or fine not exceeding twenty pounds, or whipping not exceeding thirtynine stripes, (in the case of males only,) or any two or more of such kinds of punishments together within the limits aforesaid. So that these courts have the power of inflicting for a single offence a fine of twenty pounds, six months' imprisonment with hard labour, at the penal settlement on the Massaroony, and thirty-nine lashes with the cat! It is, the committee think, sufficient to point out this circumstance, to ensure the defeat of so monstrous an enactment. An offender brought before the supreme court of criminal justice has the advantage of being tried by three judges learned in the law, and by three assessors indifferently selected, and of being defended by counsel; but in the case of those brought before the inferior criminal courts, the offender is tried by persons unlearned in the law, is deprived of counsel, and is allowed no appeal. Besides which, the proceedings of the superior courts are always open to the public and the press, whilst those of the inferior courts will, in most cases, be carried on without these salutary checks.

Objecting, as the committee do generally to the power of punishment about to be conferred on the inferior criminal courts, they take special exception to that portion of it which relates to the infliction of the lash. This return to the barbarous practice of slavery cannot fail to awaken painful recollections, and give keenness to the resentment which is already felt by the labouring population against a species of punishment, which they believe is intended to coerce and degrade them, without any just or sufficient reason for it being shown. Jealous of their rights, suspicious of their employers, and not without reason, it is of the utmost importance, in the judgment of the committee, that the stream of justice should run pure, and that they should be able to rely with

ment. They need protection from vicious and oppressive legislation, and the committee trust, sir, that they will receive it at your hands, for they are persuaded that without it, it will be difficult, if not impossible, to secure the future prosperity of the colony.

In the first place, they object to the constitution of the inferior criminal courts. These courts are to be presided over by the high sheriff of British Guiana, and the sheriffs of Essequibo and Berbice.unlimited confidence on the wisdom and equity of the home govern The former of these functionaries is to be president of the court appointed to be held monthly in the county of Demerara; the two latter to be presidents of those to be held in the counties to which they are respectively attached. Each sheriff is to be assisted by not less than three justices of the peace; and each court, thus constituted, is empowered to try, correct, and punish,,such offenders as may be brought before it. There is to be no jury, no counsel for the offender, no appeal from its decisions, however severe they may be; nor is it required that any one or more of the parties, constituting the said courts, shall be learned in the law, and capable of administering justice with intelligence and impartiality. It is well known that the high sheriff of British Guiana is a planter, and was formerly a holder of slaves in the colony; and that the major part of the justices who will be associated with him in the administration of the law, will be planters also. From a court, composed of such persons, it is not to be expected that the former Slave will be equitably and fairly dealt with, especially as the proceedings of these courts will rarely, if ever, be carried on under the scrutiny of the public eye, or be subject to the reports or rebukes of a free and independent press. Colonial prejudices, the recollection of lost power, and the influence of personal interests, will not fail, the committee think, to warp the judgments of these courts, and to inflict injury where justice only should be administered. The sheriff

The committee are aware that inferior criminal courts have existed in British Guiana, from a period anterior to the abolition of slavery in that colony; and that the object of the present ordinance is to enlarge their powers by conferring upon them the authority to punish offenders with six, instead of three months' imprisonment with or without hard labour-the other penalties remaining the same as heretofore. Without referring to the altered circumstances of the colony, or discussing the question whether the infliction of a fine to the extent of twenty pounds sterling, or indeed a much less sum than that, on a labourer, in addition to imprisonment for six months, might not prolong his imprisonment indefinitely, the committee would observe that the punishment of flogging was designed for slaves; and that although the ordinance was allowed to go into operation, the flogging was interdicted by the home government. At all events, so far as the committee are informed, or have any record, they may say it has never been resorted to since the complete abolition of slavery. Its re-enactment, after having been allowed to fall into desuetude, is regarded with indignation by the emancipated classes, and great excitement exists in consequence.

The objection of the committee to these inferior criminal courts gathers strength from the recollection that since the period of freedom a large number of emigrants have been introduced into the colony, many of whom, as in the case of Africans just liberated from slave-vessels, and Coolies from Hindostan, are wholly ignorant of the language of the colony, as well as its institutions, and they as well as others of the same class who may be introduced, will be forthwith subjected to the penalties of this obnoxious ordinance. Such being the case the committee need scarcely say that it may very readily be made an instrument of coercion in the hands of employers, they being the magistrates of the colony, or identified with them in feeling and interest.

In conclusion, sir, the committee would indulge the hope that, under your vigilant superintendence, the state of the laws in the colonies generally, will be strictly inquired into, with a view to the repeal or revision of such of them as may require it, so as best to secure the ends of justice; and that such an alteration in the mode of their administration will follow, as shall best secure the cordial support of all parties interested therein.

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and if I am wrong, I will suffer for my temerity; if right, I fear not but my sovereign and country (insignificant as I am) will visit with ample retribution any injustice done me."

Capt. McLean, atter describing the measures which he took on board the Susan King to prevent the capture of his crew, proceeds in his detail by giving the following copy of a letter to the commissioners of navigation, in the Port of Wilmington.

"Gentlemen, it is my painful duty to communicate to you how much I have been grieved in perusing the regulations for the port of Wilmington, and by the further notification of the harbour-master, that part of my crew being coloured men (free British subjects) are to be taken by him, the harbour-master, out of my ship, and lodged in gaol, and there to be confined as criminals until the sailing of my ship from this port. That the free subjects of her Britanic Majesty coming to your port for the lawful and acknowledged purposes of commerce, are to be incarcerated in gaol, as felons, without having committed any offence on the person or property of any individual in this community, appears to your communicant a most grievous act, by which the security and interests of his ship will be most injuriously affected. But, gentlemen, without commenting on the policy or expediency of such an arbitrary, cruel, and I must add, oppressive law, I beg most respectfully to submit this proposition, viz.: that I will give security, in any reasonable amount, that the coloured men shall not go on shore nor have any communication with the shore; but while on board their ship, and under that flag of which they are the free subjects, I shall consider it my duty to protect from all violence against their liberty and person; and consider it a violation of the law of nations, a degradation of her Majesty's subjects, and a flagrant breach of Article 1st, of the Convention of Commerce between Great Britain and the United States of America-to wit: The inhabi

THE LIBERTY OF BRITISH SUBJECTS INVADED IN tants of the two countries respectively shall have liberty freely and THE UNITED STATES.

We call the special attention of our readers to the following extracts of a narrative of Capt. McLean, of the Brig, Susan King, of St. Lucia. It refers to the treatment of a portion of Her Majesty's subjects, who visit the slave-states in merchant vessels on their law-sonal liberty of myself and crew; and, by these presents, I do publicly and ful business. It is but one of a long series of cases which have oc

curred; and with men less firm than Capt. McLean, has led to the incarceration of British seamen in the common jails of the United States, contrary to the express stipulations of our treaties with that country. This subject has been again and again brought under the attention of Government, but hitherto without producing any beneficial result. It must not, however, be allowed to slumber any longer. The formal demand of the late Mr. Canning, for the repeal of the laws, in the United States, affecting the liberty of her Majesty's coloured subjects, must be again reiterated by Government until they arerepealed.

I sailed, says Capt. McLean, from your island, in the brig Susan King, in December last, for Wilmington; and, owing to sickness that prevailed amongst the crew, and to navigate the ship with safety, I had to employ for this voyage to Wilmington, some coloured men of this island. Having arrived at Wilmington on the 31st of December, and having on the same day entered my vessel at the custom-house, and deposited my muster-roll at the British vice-consul's office, according to law, I was not a little surprised when, on the following day, the harbour-master, on presenting me the harbour regulations, informed me that seeing part of my crew to be coloured men, he must take them out of the vessel and confine them in jail until the sailing of the ship. After some ineffectual remonstrance with the harbour-master on the cruelty and injustice of such an act, which I maintained could hardly apply to a British ship and British subjects, besides the loss and detention of the ship for want of her effective crew, thereby leaving my ship in a crippled state, disabling me from carrying on the necessary duty so short-handed, &c.; the harbour-master took his departure, giving me until the following morning at ten o'clock to provide men, as he would then come to take my 'black crew' out of the ship to gaol, observing as he left, that he neither made nor could alter the law, but was appointed to carry it into effect, and he referred me to his instructions in the harbonr regulations on this subject.

I went on shore and I found that nothing could be done, from the apathy and indifference with which the matter was treated by my friends and those with whom I wished to argue the matter; and I wound up my negotiations by saying, 'Gentlemen, the laws of my country happily make no distinction in the colours of the skin; my men are free subjects of her Britannic Majesty; and what a libel (I fearlessly said) it is when you call this a free country! what a profanation of the sacred word LIBERTY! As I said before, these men are free British subjects, and I am their employer, and consider myself also their protector; and I am resolved to dispute their being taken from under the protection of that flag (pointing to the British ensign at our peak) without a cause. You are in reality making war on the liberty of British subjects when you would incarcerate us in your dungeons, who are guilty of nothing save coming to your port for the lawful purposes of trade. This point I shall dispute,

securely to come with their ships and cargoes to all such places, ports, and rivers in the territories aforesaid, &c.;' and by virtue of the aforesaid treaty and convention, I shall consider myself justified in repelling, force by force, any attempt to deprive me of that security and freedom, and the persolemnly protest, declare, and avow, that unless a warrant, duly issued under the hand and seal of a magistrate, or justice of the peace, or some other legal and responsible authority, is produced, by and in virtue of which any FREE CITIZEN of the United States might in like manner be apprehended and committed to a common gaol, no British subject, being a seaman, and belonging to the ship of which I have the command, can or will be voluntarily surrendered. And I again, by this present communication, PROTEST and declare, for myself, and in behalf of all under my command, to act, resist, and defend, (except as in manner aforesaid) to the best and utmost of my power, all and every attempt on the liberty of those British subjects for whom I am responsible.

I have the honour, &c.

Whether my letter to the commissioners had the wished-for effect, or whether it was treated with contempt, I cannot say; but the commissioners did not condescend to reply. The harbour-master, however, called at the appointed time, accompanied by the police, and demanded the coloured men. I replied that I had, through his hint of the previous evening, addressed a letter to the authorities under whom he acted, and that I had therein made a proposition, and protested against my crew being taken out of the ship, unless a legal warrant be produced by which any free citizen of the States might in like manner be apprehended, and committed to a common goal. "If sir," I said, " 'you have such a warrant, I offer no opposition to your taking the persons therein named; but, without this, I solemnly protest against your taking any person out of, and belonging to this ship." "I refer you," replied the harbour master, "to the harbour instructions for my authority." I observed, "that I had carefully perused the harbour regulations, and had given them my best attention; that I perceived there were penalties for every "It breach of them; but I took the part to which he referred, to wit: shall be the duty of the harbour-master to arrest any negro or mulatto (not belonging to this port) found on board of any vessel in this harbour and deliver him or them to the police officers of this town, to be dealt with according to law," to be no authority to distress any ship by giving up part of her crew, and thereby defeating my efforts to evade the pains and penalties in the preceding article of those regulations; that if, in refusing to deliver up these men to this authority, I am guilty of any crime, he must of course, know how to proceed against me as an offender and I must abide the consequence." On this the harbour master departed, and here the gaoling proceedings ended; but not so the persecutions to which I was subjected, for, on finding that I would not deliver up my coloured men, the authorities prohibited any persons of colour from working on board my vessel, under pain of twenty-nine lashes for every time they were detected on board. Now, as all the labouring clasa are people of colour, and also the stevedores, I was by this measure subjected to great inconvenience and delay in the loading of my vessel. And I would ask if these things at all comport with the spirit or intention of the articles of our Convention of Commerce with the United States; or

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can it be said that they are consistent with the terms "freely and securely to come with their ships and cargoes, &c.," I shall leave those more learned in the law to judge. We are told that it is not a law of the United States, but a local law of the State of North Carolina; but I hold (though not conversant with the ambiguities and subtleties of the law,) that by the reasoning of common-sense, the conclusion that the State of South Carolina, as a member of the federal body, is bound by its acts in relation to its engagements with Foreign States; and we ought to demand our right of "freely and securely coming to all ports and rivers in the territory of the United States."

Brig "Susan King," St. Lucea, Feb. 24, 1846.

REV. C. T. TORREY.

CHARLES R. MCLEAN.

It is known to our readers that the above-named gentleman is in the Maryland Penitentiary, for having assisted fugitive slaves when on their way to the land of liberty. For some time efforts have been put forth to secure his liberation. Rev. Messrs. Phelps and Cleaveland have had the principal management of the effort, assisted by Childs, Esq., of Baltimore, as counsel. It was thought that if the proprietors of the slaves which he was charged with having assisted, were paid the value of the same, the governor might be induced to grant Mr. Torrey a pardon. An appeal was made to the friends, and the necessary funds were at once raised. A petition was drawn up by Mrs. Torrey, so eloquent and touching as to appear to us almost irresistible; which was backed up by a respectful petition of a number of the most distinguished citizens of Massachusetts, to which state Mr. Torrey belonged. These petitions, with one from the court that tried Mr. T., and another from many members of the Maryland Legislature were presented to the governor, accompanied by a statement that the party acting in behalf of Mr. T., was ready to pay the value of the slaves to their owners on condition that he could be released. The whole was backed up by the fact well authenticated, that Mr. T. was sick, and could not survive long, unless released from his confinement.

The governor refused to come to a decision, but simply entertained the matter for consideration. Efforts were made to induce him to decide, to grant the desired pardon, or to refuse to do it. He was called upon by the Rev. Dr. Ide, the father-in-law of Mr. T., who pressed him for a decision, but he still refused. He told Dr. Ide that it was a delicate case, that he could easier pardon a murderer! Yea, he could easier manage three cases of murder.

After these protracted efforts and patient trying delays, Messrs. Phelps and Cleaveland withdrew the application, so far as they were concerned, and here the case now stands. This movement, of course, withdraws the proposition to pay for the slaves said to have been lost through Mr. Torrey's agency.

Such are the justice and mercy of slaveholders. What will now be done we know not; we suppose, however, that Mr. Torrey will die in prison. We have been intimate with Mr. Torrey, and numbered him among our friends, and do not feel in a state of mind to moralize on this result, the news of which has just reached us. We are assured by those that know, that Mr. Torrey is in the last stage of consumption, and cannot survive long. He will die a martyr to the moloch of slavery, and as the martyrs of early times were the seed of the church, so will his martyrdom be the seed of anti-slavery sentiments; the light of truth shall yet gleam upon its darkness, and expose the corruptions of its heart, and the rottenness of its deepest foundations.-True Wesleyan.

SLAVE MARKET OF CONSTANTINOPLE.

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ground, seemingly in an attitude of listless despondency, with their long white garments flowing round them.

As we came up, they fixed their large dark eyes upon us, and I certainly never met a gaze of more unutterable sadness. The conviction thrilled through me, as my eyes met theirs, that those unfortunate beings are not as modern philosophers would have us believe, utterly unconscious of, and incapable of feeling the dishonour and wretchedness of their fate. I felt, as I stood before them, and encountered their soft melancholy glance, that they looked on me as the free and happy stranger come to gaze on them in their infamy and their misery. Presently the slave trader, to whom the poor creatures belonged, came up, followed by a tall phlegmatic. looking Turk, with the unmeaning features and coarse corpulency which are so characteristic of his nation. The merchant advances, and seizing one of the slaves by the arm, forced her to stand up before this personage, who it appeared, wished to buy her. He looked at her for a few minutes from head to foot, while her master descanted on her merits; then he placed one hand on the back of her neck, whilst he jerked her head rudely with the other, so as to force her to open her mouth, that he might examine her teeth; he roughly handled her neck and arms, to ascertain if the flesh were firm; and, in short, the examination was such, that I do not hesitate to declare I have seen a horse or a dog more tenderly treated under similar circumstances.-After all, the decision was unfavorable, for the Turk turned away with a contemptuous movement of the head, and the slave dealer in a rage, thrust back the unfortunate creature, who sunk down trembling amongst her companions in misery.

Neither my friend nor I had uttered a word during this scene; we stood silent side by side, and mechanically followed our guide, who led us into the adjoining enclosure. Here we became witnesses to a sale that was just about to be completed. A most interesting group presented itself before us: two young female slaves, both with most pleasing countenances, stood together closely embraced, the arm of the one round the neck of the other; their attitude, as well as the strong likeness between them, pointing them out at once as sisters. By their side was an African slave dealer, in whose ferocious countenance it seemed impossible to discern a trace of human feeling; he was armed with a large heavy stick, with which he drove them to and fro, literally like a herd of animals. Three or four Turks were discussing, with considerable animation, the price of one of the women; but the bargain had been struck just before he came in, and one of the party, a stout good-looking man, was paying down the money. When this was completed, with an imperious movement of the hand he motioned to his newly purchased slave to follow him. It was the youngest and the most timid of the two sisters whom he had selected; nothing could have been more painful than to watch the intense, the terrific anxiety with which both had followed the progress of sale; and now it was concluded, and they knew that the moment of separation was arrived, she whose fate had been sealed, disengaged herself, and, turning round, placed her two hands on her sister's shoulders with a firm grasp, and gazed into her eyes.

Not words, not tears, could have expressed one half of the mute, unutterable despair that dwelt in that long heart-rending gaze. It were hard to say which face was most eloquent of misery, but the Turk was impatient: he clapped his hands together. This was a well-known signal. A slight tremor shook the frame of the young slave; her arms fell powerless at her side, and she turned to follow her master. The voiceless but agonized farewell was over. In another moment we could just distinguish her slender figure threading its way through the crowd, in company with the other slaves belonging to the Turk. Her sister had hid herself behind her companions, and now sat on the ground, her head sunk upon her folded arms. Our guide would have led us into another pen, but we had seen enough; we hurried through the various groups till we reached the open court; then for the first time we addressed each other, and the same words burst simultaneously from the lips of both-" C'est infame!" But I have heard, I said, willing to relieve myself from the painful oppression this sight had caused, "that these poor slaves are brought up to this situation from their infancy, and knowing nothing else, do not feel their degradation or their misery."

Let us ask Joseph, said my friend, shaking his head incredulously, he is an intelligent person, and can doubtless initiate us into the mysteries of slave trade. Are these wretched creatures born in captivity? he asked, addressing the guide; or, if not, how are they procured?

At length we reached the place of our destination. It was a long low building, forming a square of considerable size. We mounted a few unsteady dirty steps, and found ourselves on a large wooden platform, running the whole length of the building. It was divided into pens, shut in by wooden railings, in which were confined the black slaves; whilst through the open doors leading into the house itself, we could distinguish the veiled forms of the white women grouped behind the wooden screens. On benches, so placed as to command a view of both, were seated the buyers, for the most part heavy, ill-looking Turks, dressed in the hideous costume introduced by the late sultan, and occupied as usual in smoking, though the quick glance of their calm, piercing eyes, seemed to take in everything around in complete detail. The sellers stood before them, vociferating and gesticulating in the true Oriental manner. The court below, which we were to visit afterwards, was filled with all the less valuable part of this human merchandize, consisting of those afflicted with any infirmity, very aged persons, and young children. It was some time before we comprehended the scene in all its details; it is not to be won-ship, and bring them to Constantinople. The pacha chooses what he dered at that we were stupified in witnessing such a sight on European ground. At length we approached one of the pens, determined to examine to the fullest extent into all that was revolting and horrible in this market of human life. It was filled with young Circassian women, some of whom were remarkably handsome. They were seated close together on the

Very easily, monsieur, said Joseph, composedly. None of these are born slaves, and they are all procured in the same manner. Any pacha who wishes an addition to his establishment, mans a vessel with a well-armed and sends it over to Circassia. They go on shore, penetrate some little distance into the country, attack the first quiet village they come to, burn it to the ground if they meet with any resistance, and carry off the women and children. They throw them in a heap into the hold of the

crew,

thinks fit for himself, and then sends the rest to the slave market. Some
of the more extensive slave dealers often undertake such expeditions on
their own account.

But after they are bought they are well treated, are they not? I asked.
In many cases they are. It depends entirely on the temper of the

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After several days of toil and anxiety, he providentially heard of "The Subterranean Railroad," and though he learned that it had been gradually rising to the surface, yet he ventured to take passage, and we trust is, ere this, where he is "in safety from him that puffeth after him."

Here we have an instance of the tender mercies of slavery as exhibited by a kind Christian master; and here, also, we have an instance of the consistency of the M. E. brethren, who call “assisting fugitives" slave stealing. They have in their communion brethren who steal property, to a large amount, and run away with it. W. D. was guilty of stealing property from that Presbyterian

brother to the amount of $500! Yet he is a Methodist in full communion, and what brother will ever rebuke him for it? Not All will "bid him God speed," and pray that his family may be soon enabled to join him, where no human master can have the S. G. W.

one.

A private letter, which was kindly loaned us by a friend, dated power to separate them. Nashville, Tenn., relates the following scene:

SLAVERY IN THE FRENCH COLONIES.

reviewed in our January number.]

FANCHON.

"This is a fine city, but it is a devoted slavery city. I witnessed a sale, a few days ago, of twelve negroes at auction, men, women, [The following affecting narrative is taken from the work of M. de Cussac, and children; husbands sold to go one way, and wives the other. One woman had four children; the oldest, eight years of age, a boy, who was sold to go off to one place, and his sister, six years old, to another. The other sister, only three years old, was sold to a slave-trader, to go any where he might sell her. The mother and infant were sold together, she wailing in agony for her children, and staying in the square all day, pleading for her child, only three years old, to go with her; by the interposition of several individuals, among whom was myself, this barbarian of a slavetrader was induced to let her go to the man who bought the mother, by being paid fifteen dollars for his bargain. Such is the cruelty of slavery. I can never forget the wails of that mother! Some that were sold were half white, and the auctioneer dwelt long upon the fact, to get a better price. There are a plenty of slaves here whiter than I am.”—Reflector.

THE FUGITIVE SLAVE.

W. D. was the legal slave of Doctor G. who resided a few miles from St. Louis. The master was a member of the Presbyterian church; the slave, of the Methodist Episcopal. So far as appears, both were acceptable members. The master intended to treat his servant kindly, and whenever, as was, sometimes the case, the servant was punished by the overseer, he would enter his complaint to his master, telling him that he knew he was willing to do all he could, and as well as he could, without the whip, and he would reply that "he would see to it."

He permitted the slave to attend prayer-meetings two evenings a week, and on the Sabbath took him to church. His children began to teach the slave the alphabet, but were threatened severe punishment if they should again attempt it.

W. D. had a wife, (a free woman,) and two children living at St. Louis. For some time they had been laying by all they could spare, to buy his freedom.

Though the Doctor had never invited W. D. (the only professed Christian of his nine slaves,) to attend family worship with him, yet he permitted him to spend the late Christmas holidays with his

wife and children.

On Saturday he providentially learned that the Doctor had sold to a slave dealer, his entire gang, with the exception of a house servant, and two small children, and that he was to take them to the south, on Monday morning. He succeeded in concealing the thrilling emotion that was excited at the thought of being torn from his family, and sent to the southern man-market. He could hardly forgive his Presbyterian brother for selling him without any notice, or any opportunity to redeem himself, or find a master who lived near his family.

The long cherished hopes of freedom were at once blasted, but only to rekindle with an intensity that mocked all danger. He recollected to have heard of a free land though under a monarch's sceptre. He saw also that the usual barrier-the rapid turbid father of waters—was now as solid as a pavement to his tread. It seemed to him that God had bridged it for him, and that if he could endure weather that would shut up the rolling Mississippi, he had nothing to fear from a Canadian climate, and his purpose was fixed. His wife slipping a purse into his hand, containing all she could raise, bid him God speed, and breaking from the fond embrace of his beloved family, he crossed the river on the ice and made the best of his way towards Victoria's dominions.

On Sunday, the 3rd of June, 1844, a mulatto woman, who had mistaken my house for that of the procureur du roi, presented herself before me. She had hardly a rag to cover her; her eyes were red with weeping, and her tears were flowing when she entered. In answer to my questions, she said that her name was Fanchon, that she was the mother of a child eighteen months old, and expected to have another in a short time, and that she was the slave of Mr. F, the proprietor of a small coffee plantation in the quarter of Vauclin. She added, that on Whit-sunday her mistress had sent her to Vauclin to buy provisions; the fish not having been yet brought in, she had waited for it, and, on her return home, her master had punished her for her delay by fastening her to the ground with four stakes, and then flogging her with a cart-whip; that she had been punished in this way three times within one month; that she was sent daily by her mistress to the town of Vauclin, distant two hours' walk from the plantation by a very difficult road; that the ascent of one hill had fatigued her very much in her present state, because she was forced to go very fast; that her mistress had questioned her about the loss of a bed-sheet; that she had replied that she could not be responsible for everything that happened while she was gone to Vauclin, and that her mistress had menaced her with a flogging if this bed-sheet was not immediately found; that the man with whom she lived had given her twenty francs, which she immediately took to her mistress, saying to her at the same time, "The good God knows that I do not owe this money;" that her mistress having put the money into her pocket, said to her in anger, "You dare to be insolent to me; you shall have twenty-nine lashes;" that being frightened, she had fled and come to ask the procureur du roi to prevent her being beaten again, and to compel her master to sell her to some one else; unless this was done, she declared that she would drown herself.

This poor woman seemed ready to die with hunger; she said she had not eaten anything for twenty-four hours. She eagerly devoured some bread and meat that was put before her. The body of this poor negress was dreadfully cut up. Recent wounds and old scars were mingled together on it. As the procureur du roi was not at home, I sent this poor creature to one of his deputies, who caused her to be examined by a doctor. He found the fresh marks of twenty-nine lashes of the whip on her body, and notwithstanding the visible condition of the woman, declared that the chastisement she had received was not excessive, and therefore not illegal.

Having undergone this examination, she was sent by the deputy to gaol to wait for a decision, which doubtless will send her back to her master and mistress, who will severely punish her for daring to complain to the magistrates, and asking to be sold. I speak of the decision of the procureur general without knowing it. I should, indeed, be glad to be mistaken; but in such cases as this it is always the practice. Allow me to hope that the complaint of poor Fanchon will not draw upon her worse treatment, and render her lot still more miserable.

BIBLE ARGUMENT AGAINST SLAVERY.-No. 4.
THE RIGHTS AND PRIVILEGES OF SERVANTS.

The leading design of the laws defining the relations of master and servant, was the good of both parties-more especially the

good of the servants. While the masters interests were guarded from injury, those of the servants were promoted. These laws made a merciful provision for the poorer classes, both of the Israelites and strangers, not laying on burdens, but lightening them-they were a grant of privileges and favors.

1. BUYING SERVANTS WAS REGARDED AS A KINDNESS TO TH

PERSONS BOUGHT, and as establishing between them and their purchasers a bond of affection and confidence. This is plain from the frequent use of it to illustrate the love and care of God for his chosen people. Deut. xxxii. 6; Ex. xv. 16; Ps. lxxiv. 2; Prov. viii. 22.

2. NO STRANGER COULD JOIN THE FAMILY OF AN ISRAELITE WITHOUT BECOMING A PROSELYTE. Compliance with this condition was the price of the privilege. Gen. xvii. 9-14, 23, 27. In other words, to become a servant was virtually to become an Israelite. In the light of this fact, look at the relation sustained by a proselyted servant to his master. Was it a sentence consigning to punishment, or a ticket of admission to privileges?

3. EXPULSION FROM THE FAMILY WAS THE DEPRIVATION OF A PRIVILEGE IF NOT A PUNISHMENT. When Sarah took umbrage at the conduct of Hagar and Ishmael, her servants, "She said unto Abraham cast out this bond-woman and her son." * And Abraham rose up early in the morning and took bread and a bottle of water and gave it unto Hagar and the child, and sent her away. Gen. xxi. 10, 14; in Luke xvi. 1-8, our Lord tells us of the steward or head-servant of a rich man" who defrauded his master, and was, in consequence, excluded from his household. The servant anticipating such a punishment, says, "I am resolved what to do, that when I am put out of the stewardship, they may receive me into their houses." The case of Gehazi, the servant of Elisha, appears to be a similar one. He was guilty of fraud in procuring a large sum of money from Naaman, and of deliberate lying to his master, on account of which Elisha seems to have discarded him. 2 Kings v. 20-27. In this connection we may add that if a servant neglected the observance of any ceremonial rite, and was on that account excommunicated from the congregation of Israel, such excommunication excluded him also from the family of an Israelite. In other words he could be a servant no longer than he was an Israelite. To forfeit the latter distinction involved the forfeiture of the former privilege-which proves that it was a privilege.

4. THE HEBREW SERVANT COULD COMPEL HIS MASTER TO KEEP HIM. When the six years' contract had expired, if the servant demanded it, the law obliged the master to retain him permanently, however little he might need his services. Deut. xv. 1217; Ex. xxi. 2-6. This shows that the system was framed to advance the interest and gratify the wishes of the servant quite as much as those of the master.

5. SERVANTS WERE ADMITTED INTO COVENANT WITH GOD. Deut. xxix. 10-13. They were guests at all national and family festivals. Ex. xii. 43-44; Deut. xii. 12, 18, xvI. 10-16. They were statedly instructed in morality and religion. Deut. xxxi. 10 -13; Josh. viii. 33-35; 2 Chron. xvii. 8-9, xxxv. 3, and xxxiv. 30. Neh. viii. 7, 8.

6. THEY WERE RELEASED FROM THEIR REGULAR LABOUR NEARLY ONE HALF OF THE WHOLE TIME. During which they had their entire support, and the same instruction that was provided for the other members of the Hebrew community. The law secured to them, first,-Every seventh year; Lev. xxv. 3-6; thus giving to those who were servants during the entire period between the jubilees, eight whole years, (including the jubilee year,) of unbroken rest. Second. Every seventh day. This in forty-two years, the eight being subtracted from the fifty, would amount to just six years. Third. The three annual festivals. Ex. xxiii. 17, xxxiv. 23. The Passover, which commenced on the 15th of the 1st month, and lasted seven days, Deut. xvi. 3, 8. The Pentecost, or Feast of weeks, which began on the 6th day of the 3d month, and lasted seven days. Deut. xvi. 10, 11. The Feast of Tabernacles, which commenced on the 15th of the 7th month, and lasted eight days. Deut. xvi. 13, 15; Lev. xxiii. 34-39. As all met in one place, much time would be spent on the journey. Cumbered caravans move slowly. After their arrival, a day or two would be requisite for divers preparations before the celebration, besides some time at the close of it, in preparations for return. If we assign three weeks to each festival-including the time spent on the journeys, and the delays before and after the celebration, together with the festival week, it will be a small allowance for the cessation of their regular labour. As there were three festivals in the year, the

main body of the servants would be absent from their stated employments at least nine weeks annually, which would amount in forty-two years, subtracting the sabbaths, to six years and eightyfour days. Fourth. The new moons. The Jewish year had twelve; Josephus says, that the Jews always kept two days for the new moon. See Calmet on the Jewish Calendar, and Horne's Introduction; also 1 Sam. xx. 18, 19, 27. This in forty-two years, would be two years two hundred and eighty days. Fifth. The feast of trumpets. On the first day of the seventh month, and of the civil year. Lev. xxiii. 24, 25. Sixth. The atonement day. On the tenth of the seventh month. Lev. xxiii. 27. These two feasts would consume not less than sixty-five days not reckoned above.

Thus it appears that those who continued servants during the period between the jubilees, were by law released from their labour, TWENTY-THREE YEARS AND SIXTY-FOUR DAYS, OUT OF FIFTY YEARS, and those who remained a less time, in nearly the same proportion. In this calculation, besides making a donation of all the fractions to the objector, we have left out those numerous local · festivals to which frequent allusion is made, Judg. xxi. 19. 1 Sam. ix. 12. 22. etc., and the various family festivals, such as at the weaning of children; at marriages; at sheep shearings; at circumcisions; at the making of covenants, &c., to which reference is often made, as in 1 Sam. xx. 6, 28, 29. Neither have we included the festivals instituted at a later period of the Jewish history-the feast of Purim, Esth. ix. 28, 29; and of the dedication, which lasted eight days. John x. 22; 1 Mac. iv. 59.

Finally, the Mosaic system secured to servants, an amount of time which, if distributed, would be almost ONE HALF OF THE DAYS IN EACH YEAR. Meanwhile, they were supported, and furnished with opportunities of instruction. If this time were distributed over every day, the servants would have to themselves nearly one half of each day.

The service of those strangers who were national servants or tributaries, was regulated upon the same benevolent principle, and secured to them TWO-THIRDS of the whole year. "A month they were in Lebanon, and two months they were at home." 1 Kings v. 13-15. compared with 2 Chron. 11. 17-19, viii. 7—9; 1 Kings, ix. 20. 22. The regulations under which the inhabitants of Gibeon, Chephirah, Beeroth and Kirjath-jearim, afterwards called Nethinims. performed service for the Israelites, must have secured to them nearly the whole of their time. If, as is probable, they served in courses corresponding to those of their priests whom they assisted, they were in actual service less than one month annually.

7. THE SERVANT WAS PROTECTED BY LAW EQUALLY WITH THE OTHER MEMBERS OF THE COMMUNITY.-Proof.-"Judge righteously between every man and his brother and THE STRANGER THAT IS WITH HIM." "Ye shall not RESPECT PERSONS in judgment, but ye shall hear the SMALL as well as the great." Deut. i. 16, 19. Also Lev. xix, 15. xxiv. 22. "Ye shall have one manner of law as well for the stranger, as for one of your own country." So Num. xv. 29. "Ye shall have ONE LAW for him that sinneth through ignorance both for him that is born among the children of Israel and for the STRANGER that sojourneth among them," Deut. xxvii. 19. "Curseth be he that PERVERTETH THE JUDGMENT OF THE STRANGER." Deut. xxvii. 19.

8. THE MOSAIC SYSTEM ENJOINED THE GREATEST AFFECTION AND KINDNESS TOWARDS SERVANTS, FOREIGN AS WELL AS JEWISH. "The stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself." Lev. xix. 34. "For the Lord your God REGARDETH NOT PERSONS. He doth execute the judgment of the fatherless and widow, and LOVETH THE STRANGER, in giving him food and raiment, LOVE YB THEREFORE THE STRANGER. Deut. x. 17, 19. "Thou shalt neither vex a STRANGER nor oppress him. Ex. xxii. 21. "Thou shalt not oppress a STRANGER, for ye know the heart of a stranger." Ex. xxiii. 9. "If thy brother be waxen poor thou shalt relieve him, yea, though he be a STRANGER or a SOJOURNER, that he may live with thee, take thou no usury of him or increase, but fear thy God. Lev. xxv. 35, 36. Could this same stranger be taken by one that feared his God, and held as a slave, and robbed of time, earnings, and all his rights?

9. SERVANTS WERE PLACED UPON A LEVEL WITH THEIR Num. xv. 15,

MASTERS IN ALL CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS RIGHTS,

16, 29; ix. 14; Deut. i. 16, 17; Lev. xxiv. 22. To these may be added that numerous class of passages which represents God as regarding alike the natural rights of all men, and making for all an equal provision. Such as, 2 Chron. xix. 7; Prov, xxiv. 23, xxviii. 21; Job. xxxiv. 19; 2 Sam, xiv. 14; Acts x. 35; Eph.

vi. 9.

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