ure to cramp, stint, impoverish, and enfeeble us. Shelburne is not so orthodox as he should be, but North is a much greater heretic in American politics. It deserves much consideration what course we should take in case the old ministry should come in whole or in part. It is certain, at present, that to be obnoxious to the Americans and their ministers is a very formidable popular cry against any minister or candidate for the ministry in England, for the nation is more generally for recovering the good-will of the Americans than they ever have been. Nothing would strike such a blow to any ministry as to break off the negociations for peace; if the old ministry come in, they will demand terms of us at first, probably, that we can never agree to. It is now eleven or twelve days since the last result of our conferences were laid before the ministry in London. Mr. Vaughan went off on Sunday noon, the 17th, so that he is no doubt before this time with my Lord Shelburne. He is possessed of an ample budget of arguments to convince his lordship that he ought to give up all the remaining points between us. Mr. Oswald's letters will suggest the same arguments in a different light, and Mr. Strachey, if he is disposed to do it, is able to enlarge upon them all in conversation. The fundamental point of the sovereignty of the United States being settled in England, the only question now is, whether they shall pursue a contracted or a liberal, a good-natured or an ill-natured plan towards us. If they are generous, and allow us all we ask, it will be the better for them; if stingy, the worst. That France don't wish them to be very noble to us may be true. But we should be dupes, indeed, if we did not make use of every argument with them to show them that it is their interest to be so, and they will be the greatest bubbles of all if they should suffer themselves to be deceived by their passions, or by any arts, to adopt an opposite tenor of conduct. I have the honor to be, &c., JOHN ADAMS. Livingston to Franklin.* PHILADELPHIA, November 21, 1782. SIR: Congress a few days since passed the enclosed resolution, No. 1, by which they have added Mr. Jefferson to the commission for concluding a peace. The established character of this gentleman gives me reason to hope that his appointment will be very acceptable to you and the other gentlemen in the commission. I have not yet learned whether he will take the task upon him, but I have reason to believe he will, the death of his wife having lessened, in the opinion of his friends, the reluctance which he has hitherto manifested to going * MSS. Dep. of State; 2 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 388, with verbal changes. abroad. I think it would be proper to make a formal annunciation of this resolution to the court of France. You will naturally give such a representation of Mr. Jefferson's character as will secure to him there that esteem and confidence which he justly merits. The resolution No. 2 needs no comment; or if it does, Mr. Morris will prove the abler commentator. I resign the task to him. For what end are the show of negociations kept up by England, when peace upon the only terms she can possibly expect to obtain it is far from her heart? Her ministers, like some ministers of the gospel, who are unwilling to quit the pulpit when they have tired out their hearers, expect to keep the people together by calling out at every period, "now, to conclude," while they continue the same dull tale for want of skill to wind it up. [Here follow 10 lines of cipher.] By accounts from Jamaica we learn that the British have recovered most of their settlements on the bay. Some attention will, I hope, be paid in the treaty of peace to secure to us the share we formerly had in the logwood trade; it was a valuable remittance to us, and the low price at which we were enabled to sell renders it important to other nations that we should not be excluded from furnishing it as usual. You will find by the enclosed paper that Mr. Burgess, an English merchant, was not permitted to settle at Boston and obtain the rights of citizenship upon principles which must be alarming to England. It shows at the same time the respect that is paid to the resolutions of Congress, notwithstanding all that has been said and written to prove the contrary. I am, sir, &c., ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. P. S.-I forgot to mention that I am solicited by Mr. Barlow to transmit to you proposals for printing a work of his, which you will find described in the enclosed proposals, as they are accompanied with a specimen of his poetry, which is as much as I have seen of it. You will judge yourself how far it deserves the patronage he wishes you to give it. La Fayette to Vergennes." PARIS, November 22, 1782. When I quitted America, sir, I was charged with representing her situation in this country and in the critical state to which she is at present reduced. Congress desires me to expose, especially to you, her pecuniary necessities. I have returned in consequence of the leave of absence and instructions given by that Congress; and now that, without their permission, without any specified rank in the French army, I am engaging in operations of which the commencement has no relation to their affairs, I must at least acquit myself of their commissions, *La Fayette's Memoirs, 39. and above all, satisfy my own conscience by expressing the opinions I am now taking the liberty of submitting to your judgment. The despatches of Congress have arrived, but not those of the Chevalier de la Luzerne. Some mistake may have arisen in the office or on board the American ship, and should those letters be retarded, it would be unfortunate if that circumstance were to occasion hesitation or delay on our side. You must be too well acquainted with American affairs, sir, to require that last despatch to give you any information on the subject. I have, besides, conversed so often with the King's ministers upon the matter, that I am certain he will advise granting the succor which is considered at this moment so very necessary. The papers Mr. Franklin has confided to your inspection must contain, I imagine, sufficient information, and if you fear that they give an exaggerated account, I may add that my private letters, my intimate acquaintance with the country, and the judgment I can form of its actual situation all conspire, sir, to convince me of the necessity of granting that pecuniary succor. When we turn our eyes towards America, sir, it is natural for us to attach ourselves peculiarly to that point of view which is most interesting to a Frenchman; it is in this respect alone that I am now examining the disadvantages and dangers attending English influence. The Americans are tired of war, but the nation at present loves France and detests England. To grant succor at this moment would be a more useful operation, from its placing a seal on all that has hitherto been done, reawakening courage, and closing completely the mouth of the English emissaries, who are incessantly accusing France of wishing to kindle, without extinguishing, the flame. I do not dwell on these calumnies, sir, and their extreme absurdity must, I trust, prevent their proving injurious; but it may be proper to explain the slight efforts the Americans appear to have made relating to pecuniary matters. There is but little money in the country, and I may safely affirm that the English have left much less there than was at first supposed, and what they have left is entirely with their own party, or has been concealed by the royalists. I may also add that the States, in the present time of confusion, have not been able to take the necessary measures for the imposition and levying of taxes; and that the extent of the country and dispersion of the inhabitants render it extremely difficult to collect these taxes. It may be proper also to observe the difference between the present taxes and those which were some of the original causes of discontent. In short, sir, the Americans may say that their commerce has severely suffered this year. But even supposing that these excuses, although very strong ones, may not be deemed sufficient, it is evident that Congress and all the chiefs of the revolu tion are deeply interested in that revolution not failing from want of money. No person can doubt but that they would take every means of procuring supplies which would not endanger the revolution itself. But since they have not been able to procure any, it becomes, sir, I think necessary for our glory and the success of the common cause to make one last and generous effort in favor of the Americans. When we compare the money they have asked for with the advances made to our allies during the last war, and above all the different degree of interest we have in supporting them, the succors now deemed so indispensable would not appear by any means exorbitant. The army of M. de Rochambeau is quitting America, and if New York should not be evacuated this premature step would seem to require some indemnification. Those troops cost thirteen millions, and will take the place of other troops in the islands where they can not cost so much. To replace the two regiments that were to have been sent the sum of six millions has been granted; in the present case could not the money at least be given which the minister of finance must doubtless have prepared for the annual support of the army? I believe also that if the war should last, if, above all, it should be prolonged by interests which do not regard the Americans and their allies, it will be judged necessary to afford them at least a little aid during the campaign; and ought not that intended succor, joined to the unexpected saving upon the army of M. de Rochambeau, to fulfil nearly all the hopes. America appears to have conceived? The government may perhaps remember that the continent is the only point on which we have enjoyed any great success. The cause of this is evidently that all persons were in our favor and against the enemy. If our forces should fortunately be carried there, we must find an army capable of co-operating with us. No better army than that of the Americans can possibly be found; but if their patience should at length be worn out; if Congress should hesitate between the inconvenience of keeping and the inconvenience of disbanding them; if it should be necessary to take measures to prevent a convulsion instead of conducting an offensive operation, it would not only become impossible to attack the enemy's posts, but it would be even easy for them to dismantle those posts as well as Canada; and that surplus of troops, which they would no longer require would bear instantly upon our islands. In a political point of view it appears to me still more important to succor the Americans. I do not fear their peace with England, and if we do make war, I am convinced we shall obtain great success, and bind still more closely the ties of friendship, by securing the means of operating against the enemy. I do not wish that this last and urgent request should be rejected. The disposition of America towards us at present is most excellent; my only desire is, that it may continue so; not that she would ever forget the duties imposed by our alliance and her own gratitude. But before I set out, sir, I can not avoid giving my opinion, which I am now doing from the bottom of my heart, and although I do not flatter myself that it will supersede that of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, I should ever reproach myself if I were not to express to you how necessary I think it is to grant an instantaneous succor. Accept I beseech you, the assurance, &c. J. Adams' Journal of Peace Negotiations-Continued.* November 23, 1782. Mr. Jay called at ten, and went out with me to Passy to meet the Marquis de la Fayette, at the invitation of Dr. Franklin. The Marquis business was to show us a letter he had written to the Count de Vergennes on the subject of money. This I saw nettled Franklin, as it seemed an attempt to take to himself the merit of obtaining the loan, if one should be procured. He gave us also a letter to us three, for our approbation of his going out with the Count d'Estaing. He recites in it that he had remained here by our advice, as necessary to the negotiations. This nettled both Franklin and Jay. I knew nothing of it, not having been here, and they both denied it. This unlimited ambi tion will obstruct his rise. He grasps it all-civil, political, and military-and would be thought the unum necessarium in everything. He has so much real merit, such family supports, and so much favor at court, that he need not recur to artifice. He said that Count de Vergennes told him, as the Chevalier de la Luzerne's despatches were not arrived, the Count could do nothing in the affair of money without something French to go upon. His letter, therefore, was to supply the something French. He told us that the Count d'Aranda had desired him to tell Mr. Jay, as the lands upon the Mississippi were not yet determined whether they were to belong to England or Spain, he could not yet settle that matter, as that probably the attempt will be to negotiate them into the hands of the Spaniards from the English. D'Aranda, Rayneval, Grantham, &c., may conduct this without Fitzherbert. Spent part of the evening at Mrs. Izard's. Mr. Oswald sent for Mr. Jay; desired to meet him at either house. Mr. Jay went, and I came off. Livingston to Jay.t PHILADELPHIA, November 23, 1782. DEAR SIR: I have before me your letters of the 25th and 28th of June. I congratulate you on your safe arrival at Paris, where I venture to hope your residence will on many accounts be more agreeable than it was at Madrid. Nothing can be more pleasing to us than your 3 J. Adams' works, 326. + MSS. Dep. of State; 4 Sparks' Dip. Rev. Corr., 523. |