large proportion of Irishmen. Of Chartist cunning had only been equal to Chartist boldness; or if it had led them to be only half as circumspect as their instigators, justice would have been foiled, and the law would have been cheated of its victims-public tranquillity would have been maintained-the League would still have been unsuspected; and the Chartists would still have had some character left wherewith to carry on "a peaceful agitation" in favour of the "five points." And here we must abandon the public acts and secret machinations of combined Chartists and Leaguers, for a more important and less transparent branch of our subject. We confess we approach this second part of the text with extreme diffidence. Men can agree well enough about effects, because they are present and palpable to the apprehensions of all, and present but a very small margin for dispute. But when they come to discuss causes, the harmony is broken up; for the prejudices of some, the dogmatism of others, and the peculiar idiosyncrasies of yet a third party, lead them to branch off into their own theories. Men's actions admit of no dispute, because they are present and palpable to the sense; but about their motives-the springs of action-men never can be agreed, because every one will draw his argument from his own breast, and insist upon its application. In the inquisitions of philosophy, whilst effects are acknowledged, causes are hotly disputed, and the controversy quickly strikes off into a thousand channels. Hence we are lost in endless conjectures, and each man is left to hug his own theory. Not that the matter which we are upon is quite so despe rate. It is not capable of being probed at many points, though there will be no lack of persons each anxious to draw an arrow from his own quiver; and, having drawn the bow, insist upon it that he has hit the mark. maintain-and, as Now, although we far as proof can go, we apprehend we eir have proved-that the immediate cause Os of the recent insurrection is referable that Law League, we don't mean to maintain eat, to the machinations of the Anti-Cornthat the proceedings of the League are Armit- the remote as well as the immediate them, cause. That is a question which ve been shall take the liberty of leaving ity. If for the present. We shall of corn, are not persons who are to be trusted." Lord Abinger here glances at the labours of the League. He could not help it. No man who sits down, in a candid and honest spirit, to investigate the causes of the late insurrection, can help it. Look in what direction he may, the evil spirit of the League meets his eye in some form or guise. Here, the railing Rabshakeh of some dissenting meeting-house, shrieking with counterfeit pathos and sympathy, bewailing the imaginary wrongs and distresses of the peopleperhaps pointing to the broad acres of some neighbouring gentleman, whose halls were never polluted by his breath; at the same moment hurling the anathemas of bitter and unsanctified schism at the devoted heads of the landlords, and denying them the common charities of Christianity: in another direction, a hired missionary of the League, dispensing its poison in the shape of lying and exciting tracts, addressed to the prejudices and passions of the work-people; in a third, a hireling lecturer, with the voice of a Stentor, blurting out the cant plausibilities which go to make up the stock in trade of his fraternity, and putting all reason out of countenance; in a fourth, some merchant or manufacturer of the League, perhaps hurried to the verge of insolvency by random and reckless speculation, either harranguing the shirtless and unwashed, "in public meeting assembled," on the subject of "cheap bread and high wages," or handing in his report from the "London conference;" accompanied by a declaration that no redress is to be had from the minister, and a recommendation to stop the mills, and abandon argument for action. "This is all very well, sir," a Leaguer would say to you," but if the League is so guilty, how happens it that its members have not been apprehended and tried?" One of its members, and a master manufacturer too, -a Mr Southam of Ashton-underLyne-the place whence the riots took their origin-has been apprehend against him it was proved, in evid before the magistrates, that as man of the meeting of turn Ashton on the 9th of Au meeting with which the i originated-he said, on ing proposed that the t present should go "There is nothing like time present. Do you go presently, and I will lead you up.' Furthermore, he is proved to have said, that, "if the people would go for the repeal of the cornlaws, he would stick with them upon any question they would propose." If the other master manufacturers of the League had been equally indiscreet and unguarded in open daylight, the guilt of the League could never have admitted of doubt in any quarter. But the master-spirits of the movement worked in secret, behind a curtain which shielded them effectually from the public gaze. The public eye never fell upon the hand that pulled the wires; nor could it penetrate the securely-fitting mask which concealed the features of the operator. All that could be done was to secure the actors, who were palpable to the vision and within reach. Thus the planners and instigators of crimethe real criminals-too often escape, when those who are innocent in degree (but still, in fact, guilty) are punished. It is indispensably neces sary to the domestic peace and security of the country that it should be so. Every man is presumed to be so far acquainted with the laws which maintain public order as at least to know when he is infringing them; and when he does infringe them in a serious degree-as men did during the late riots-by every known principle of justice and equity he ought to be punished, and that severely. It is no valid excuse for him to say that he has been encouraged and instigated by others. His own conscience, his own bosom, is, in such a case, the unerring arbiter of his conduct. He must be conscious that he is doing right-he must feel that he is doing wrong; and he can do neither the one nor the other uninfluenced by that judgment and feeling which, if rightle used, will su abused. The large proportion of Irishmen. Of course they were almost all of them Roman Catholics; but it would be interesting to know the religious creeds of the remainder. Our impression is, that it would be found that most of them are Dissenters; and furthermore, that those who declare themselves members of the Established Church, have not been in the habit of attending church. A moral map of this description, as furnishing an index to the bearing of certain religious principles upon the moral and public conduct of the citizen, would be not less useful than curious. This, however, is a digression. We were going on to say, that although we highly approve of the energy and promptitude of the government, and of the labours of their commissioners at Manchester, we think that a great deal of indictable matter in the speeches of the Leaguers, and their hireling agents, has been overlooked. Without going further, there were expressions quoted in our last Number of a peculiarly seditious character; and we have do doubt that, if a searching investigation had been carried into the League's quarters, much more might have been found. We know, from experience, how difficult it is to get at the right sort of evidence, when offenders have been acting secretly and aloof from the public gaze; but we are still strongly of opinion, that if the offices of the League had been entered and taken possession of at the outset this step being accompanied by a general apprehension of its chief agents, and a seizure of its papers-a clue would have been found that would have led to far more important revelations than the world present in possession ave only captured a gnacious and hoto, seeing a chance themselves, blindly the word of comeague ng the Chartist cunning had only been equal to Chartist boldness; or if it had led them to be only half as circumspect as their instigators, justice would have been foiled, and the law would have been cheated of its victims-public tranquillity would have been maintained-the League would still have been unsuspected; and the Chartists would still have had some character left wherewith to carry on "a peaceful agitation" in favour of the "five points." And here we must abandon the public acts and secret machinations of combined Chartists and Leaguers, for a more important and less transparent branch of our subject. We confess we approach this second part of the text with extreme diffidence. Men can agree well enough about effects, because they are present and palpable to the apprehensions of all, and present but a very small margin for dispute. But when they come to discuss causes, the harmony is broken up; for the prejudices of some, the dogmatism of others, and the peculiar idiosyncrasies of yet a third party, lead them to branch off into their own theories. Men's actions admit of no dispute, because they are present and palpable to the sense; but about their motives-the springs of action-men never can be agreed, because every one will draw his argument from his own breast, and insist upon its application. In the inquisitions of philosophy, whilst effects are acknowledged, causes are hotly disputed, and the controversy quickly strikes off into a thousand channels. Hence we are lost in endless conjectures, and each man is left to hug his own theory. Not that the matter which we are upon is quite so despe rate. It is not capable of being probed at many points, though there will be no lack of persons each anxious to draw an arrow from his own quiver; and, having drawn the bow, insist upon it that he has hit the mark. Now, although we maintain--and, as e- far as proof can go, we apprehend we eir have proved-that the immediate cause DS- of the recent insurrection is referable at, to the machinations of the Anti-CornLaw League, we don't mean to maintain that the proceedings of the League are rmit- the remote as well as the immediate That is a question which of corn, are not persons who are to be trusted." Lord Abinger here glances at the labours of the League. He could not help it. No man who sits down, in a candid and honest spirit, to investigate the causes of the late insurrection, can help it. Look in what direction he may, the evil spirit of the League meets his eye in some form or guise. Here, the railing Rabshakeh of some dissenting meeting-house, shrieking with counterfeit pathos and sympathy, bewailing the imaginary wrongs and distresses of the peopleperhaps pointing to the broad acres of some neighbouring gentleman, whose halls were never polluted by his breath; at the same moment hurling the anathemas of bitter and unsanctified schism at the devoted heads of the landlords, and denying them the common charities of Christianity: in another direction, a hired missionary of the League, dispensing its poison in the shape of lying and exciting tracts, addressed to the prejudices and passions of the work-people; in a third, a hireling lecturer, with the voice of a Stentor, blurting out the cant plausibilities which go to make up the stock in trade of his fraternity, and putting all reason out of countenance; in a fourth, some merchant or manufacturer of the League, perhaps hurried to the verge of insolvency by random and reckless speculation, either harranguing the shirtless and unwashed, "in public meeting assembled," on the subject of "cheap bread and high wages," or handing in his report from the "London conference;" accompanied by a declaration that no redress is to be had from the minister, and a recommendation to stop the mills, and abandon argument for action. "This is all very well, sir," a Leaguer would say to you," but if the League is so guilty, how happens it that its members have not been apprehended and tried?" One of its members, and a master manufacturer too, -a Mr Southam of Ashton-underLyne-the place whence the riots took their origin-has been apprehende against him it was proved, in evid before the magistrates, that as man of the meeting of turn Ashton on the 9th of An meeting with which the i originated-he said, on ing proposed that the present should go "There is nothing like time present. Do you go presently, and I will lead you up." Furthermore, he is proved to have said, that, "if the people would go for the repeal of the cornlaws, he would stick with them upon any question they would propose." If the other master manufacturers of the League had been equally indiscreet and unguarded in open daylight, the guilt of the League could never have admitted of doubt in any quarter. But the master-spirits of the movement worked in secret, behind a curtain which shielded them effectually from the public gaze. The public eye never fell upon the hand that pulled the wires; nor could it penetrate the securely-fitting mask which concealed the features of the operator. All that could be done was to secure the actors, who were palpable to the vision and within reach. Thus the planners and instigators of crimethe real criminals-too often escape, when those who are innocent in de. gree (but still, in fact, guilty) are punished. It is indispensably necessary to the domestic peace and security of the country that it should be so. Every man is presumed to be so far acquainted with the laws which maintain public order as at least to know when he is infringing them; and when he does infringe them in a serious degree-as men did during the late riots-by every known principle of justice and equity he ought to be punished, and that severely. It is no valid excuse for him to say that he has been encouraged and instigated by others. His own conscience, his own bosom, is, in such a case, the unerring arbiter of his conduct. must be conscious that he is doing right-he must feel that he is doing wrong; and he can do neither the one nor the other uninfluenced by that judgment and feeling which, if ribol used, will sur abused. large proportion of Irishmen. Of Chartist cunning had only been equal to Chartist boldness; or if it had led them to be only half as circumspect as their instigators, justice would have been foiled, and the law would have been cheated of its victims-public tranquillity would have been maintained-the League would still have been unsuspected; and the Chartists would still have had some character left wherewith to carry on "a peaceful agitation" in favour of the "five points." And here we must abandon the public acts and secret machinations of combined Chartists and Leaguers, for a more important and less transparent branch of our subject. We confess we approach this second part of the text with extreme diffidence. Men can agree well enough about effects, because they are present and palpable to the apprehensions of all, and present but a very small margin for dispute. But when they come to discuss causes, the harmony is broken up; for the prejudices of some, the dogmatism of others, and the peculiar idiosyncrasies of yet a third party, lead them to branch off into their own theories. Men's actions admit of no dispute, because they are present and palpable to the sense; but about their motives-the springs of action-men never can be agreed, because every one will draw his argument from his own breast, and insist upon its application. In the inquisitions of philosophy, whilst effects are acknowledged, causes are hotly disputed, and the controversy quickly strikes off into a thousand channels. Hence we are lost in endless conjectures, and each man is left to hug his own theory. Not that the matter which we are upon is quite so despe rate. It is not capable of being probed at many points, though there will be no lack of persons each anxious to draw an arrow from his own quiver; and, having drawn the bow, insist upon it that he has hit the mark. maintain-and, as Now, although we far as proof can go, we apprehend we eir have proved-that the immediate cause Os of the recent insurrection is referable eat, to the machinations of the Anti-Cornthat Law League, we don't mean to maintain |
