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to affert, that in republics this virtue has, almost always, been weak or fictitious, and that true and difinterested patriotifm has oftener appeared in monarchies than in democratical or aristocratical governments. He flatters his countrymen, by preferring a Bayard, a Crillon, and a Turrenne, to the most illuftrious heroes of Sparta or of Rome. The virtues of thofe great men, were doubtlefs eminent, and highly beneficial to their country; but that their characters were formed by circumftances peculiar to the form of government established in France, will poffibly not be fo readily admitted. He justly attributes the decay of patriotifm, among the fubjects of the French government, and moft of the other nations of modern Europe, to extent of dominion, the number of great towns, the paffions and caprices which are engendered and foftered by luxury, commerce, the progrefs of civilization, and the cafe and fecurity with which a Frenchman, a Briton, or a fubject of any other ftate in Europe, can procure and enjoy all the comforts and conveniencies of life in a foreign country.

In the fecond divifion of his dif courfe, M. Mathón de la Cour labours to revive and cherish among his countrymen, that spirit which appears fo neceflary to the happiness, and even to the existence of a state; and which thofe caufes concur to render fo. rare and fo weak, in modern times.

To infpire the fubjects of any go vernment with a fpirit of patriotifm, they must have reafon to be content with their condition. And, for that purpofe, a nation must be governed by wife and benevolent laws, carried into execution by mild and prudent rulers: The increafing difiipation of manners must be restrained; tender and virtuous affections must be ftrengthened and encouraged in the community. M. Mathon de la Cour faither recommends to his countrymen, for the fame ends, that honours and public

offices be carefully conferred, as the reward of virtue and distinguished abilities. He expreffes a with, that honors and rewards, fuch as the oaken garland of Rome, and the rose of Salency, were bestowed, as marks of dif tinction, on those who difplay any extraordinary inftances of public virtue; and, that annual festivals should be celebrated, with a variety of gynnalic and other exercifes; at Calais, in honour of Euftache de Saint-Piers; at Bourdeaux, of Montefquieu : Of Conftance de Gezeley, at Leucate; of Jeanne Hachette, at Beauvars; of Defcartes, at La Haie in Touraine ; of Corneille, at Rouen; and of Fenelon, at Cambray; at which the fovereign fhould occafionally prefide in perfon, and direct them in fuch a manner as to excite a noble and generous emulation in wifdom, virtue, and va lour, among his fubjects.

Such are the plan and spirit of this difcourfe; in which M. Mathon de la Cour difplays an accurate knowledge of his fubject, and fhews himself to be warmly animated with thofe generous fentiments which he labours to revive and cherish among his countrymen.

II. No department of literature is, at prefent; more generally or eagerly cultivated, among the nations of Eu2 rope, than Hiftory. In Italy, in France, and in Britain, a number of eminent hiftorians have appeared, fcarce infe fior to those who flourished in ancient Greece and Rome. And that mode of writing has of late become fo fa fhionable, that men of learning and genius have found it prudent to attrac the attention of the public on feveral other parts of knowledge, rather unconnected with it, by interweaving them with hiftory, or at leaft giving them the name of hiftorical A late iiterary Journal of Rome announces an Italian tranflation of the First Volume of an Hiftory of Spain, from the earliest times, by Gián Francefco Mafden. This velume treats of the biftory of ardent Spain, comprehending a period of

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1900 years from the deluge, till the 300th year before the Chriftian æra; at which period the armies of Rome first penetrated beyond the Bytennees. The early hiftory of Spain, like that of most other countries, has been dif figured and obfcured by fable. The Titans, feveral of the forty fabulous heroes known under the common name of Hercules, the Argonauts, Ulyffes, the Milefians, the Carians, and the Meffenians, as well as many others of the celebrated nations and heroes of the ancient world, have been reprefented by various authors, either as Aborigines of Spain, or as having landed on the coafts; or made expeditions into the country, and having there established settlements; or performed fome notable exploits. M. - Mafdeu has canvaffed the ptetenfions of thofe nations and heroes to a place in the early history of Spain, and has rejected them as groundlefs. He is difpofed even to diminish the number of the labours and adventures of Her cules; nor will he allow any adven turer of that name to have vanquished Geryon, or extended his travels to the famous Pillars. He blames the ignorance or credulity of foreign hiftorians, for difgracing the annals of his country with fuch inconfiftent and in credible fables; and afferts,that the wellknown veracity and honour of his coun erymen have always rendered them in capable of attempting to magnify the glory of their country by fuch grofs and extravagant fictions.

But though M. Mafden has judiciously rejected thofe fabulous tales of antiquity, yet he does not prefume to offend the pride of the Spaniards, by calling them creatures of yesterday He traces their defeent from the family of Japhet, the fon of Noah. Ja phet had a numerous family; and it has been keenly difputed among the learned, which of his fons the Spaniards ought to tefpect as their great progenitor.. M. Mafdeu is induced, by a number of authorities, to think VOL. VII. No 42. -

that he must have been either Tubal, or Tarfi, to whofe lot Spain fell in the partition of the globe. The lan guage spoken by the colony of Tubal; or Tarf, muft have been that which the vocal organs of him and his fami ly had been fupernaturally directed to articulate at the confufion of tongues ; and that language must have formed the ground-work of the Iberian, and the Celtic. From a mixture of those two languages the Celtiberian was produced, of which feveral veftiges may ftill be traced in the Gafcon idiom.

With regard to the Celts, M. Maf deu advances a new and fingular opia nion. He thinks that their original fettlement was not in Gaul, but in Spain. He places them in the most weftern parts of Spain, while he makes the Iberians to have, at the fame time, fucceffively occupied the reft of the country, as far as the Pyrennees. But about the beginning of the 15th cen tury, before the Chriftian æra, the Celts, gradually advancing towards the North and South of Spain, expels led the Iberians; who, in the course of the next century, entered France, and having traversed that country, pe netrated into Italy, which they overfan about the 2,700th year of the world. They, in all probability, were the founders of Rome; and to them the Etrufcan language feems to have been indebted for its origin.

This author alfo gives an account of the religion, the government, the manners, and the military police of the ancient Celtiberians. He is of o pinion, that they were indebted for their civilization, arts, and laws, to the Phoenician colonies which fettled among them; and that, before the ar rival of the Greeks or Carthagenians, they had become an ingenious, polish ed, and induftrious people,

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This fhort and imperfect account of the contents of his firft volume, may give our readers fome idea of M. Maf deu's plan. He endeavours to discuss critically every obfcure on dubious fact,

in the annals of his country, and wifhes to afford to the world a complete view, not merely of the civil and military hiftory of Spain, but also of their laws, arts, and manners, through all the different periods of their existence. He performs, for the Spanish history, what Doctor Henry does for that of Great Britain.

III. The fluctuation of politics never fail to attract the curiosity of mankind. War and peace, the connections between nations, established by views of mutual intereft, and the oppofition occafioned, not by the firm attachment of either party to truth or justice, but by motives of national avarice or ambition; and purfued either by fecret negociation, or by the open and hoftile operations of military force, are generally fo important in their caufes, their continued operations, and their confequences, as to engage the attention, not only of thofe who are more immediately interefted, but also of fuch as are placed at a distance from both their hurtful and beneficial effects. But to the fubjects of any empire,its internal profperity or wretchednefs, and its fituation and difpofitions with regard to the neighbouring states, are peculiarly interefting; for on thefe the affluence or beggary, the ease or depreffion, the fecurity or precarious existence of every individual among them, directly depend.

The lately-published work of a French author, entitled, Letters, by a Soldier, on the Changes which are at prefent taking place in the Political Syftem of Europe, affords an inftance in proof of the truth of this general ob fervation. The author examines into the caufes which, fince the death of the late King of Pruffia, have produced fo confiderable a change on the views and connections of the leading powers of Europe; he attributes that political revolution chiefly to the trou bles and confufion which lately diftracted Holland, and the afpiring ambition of the Semiramis of the North.

Another caufe, of scarce weaker inflo ence, is, that defire which the fuc ceffor of Frederick has difcovered, if not to tread in his uncle's footsteps, at least to rival his fame. The ma chinations of France, and the caution of England, are also to be taken into the account. Honour and prudence afforded his Pruffian Majetty a fait pretext for interfering in the affairs of Holland. To vindicate the affronted dignity of his fifter, and to prote& the violated rights of his brother-in-law; the Stadtholder, were reafons fufficient to juftify, in the eyes of all, but thofe against whom that measure was direc ted, the marching of his troops into the Dutch territories. England again, according to this writer, had her po litical reafons for taking part with the Stadtholder. By watting the wealth, and ruining the commerce of the U. nited Provinces, fhe might hope to fee an hated rival humbled before her, as well as to aggrandize and enrich her own trade: by contributing to establish the power and dignity of the Stadtholder over the ruins of his country, fhe might hope to fecure to herself an ally whofe precarious attachment France had been obliged to purchase at an immenfe expence. She would thus be enabled to derive new advantages from her late commercial treaty with the court of Versailles; and in India the weaknefs of Holland, enfeebled or difmembered, would leave all a prey to the rapacity and power of the English. Thus have both Pruf fia and England been engaged in support of the ufurpations of the Stadtholder. The union between France and the Houfe of Auftria has induced them to form a connection with each other; and the prefent circumftances of the Ottoman empire, have difpofed the minifters of the Porte to attach themselves to the interefts of the courts of Berlin and London, in preference to their ancient allies, the French.

The author next proceeds to poine out thofe views and circumstances

which form the bands of that union which has been established, and which, in his opinion, time will render ftill clofer, between the courts of Vienna, Petersburgh, and Verfailles. He then takes a comparative view of the circumftances and refources of France and Britain; and benevolently confoles his countrymen amid their wretched flavery and poverty, by reprefent ing to them that the refources of Fiance are still far more numerous than those of the British government; that public juftice and the rights of individuals, are more carefully refpected in France than in Britain; and that if France and Spain had confulted their jult refentment, they might, long 'ere now, have humbled the pride of Britain in the dust, by withdrawing from her the advantages of their commerce. For, in the opinion of this author, the articles of commerce, which France imports from Britain, are only fuperfluous luxuries which might well be wanted; while again, thofe articles which Britain derives from France, are neceffaries and conveniencies, without which, life would be comfortlefs or in fupportable.

rienced young men, being fent by their friends to Paris, to ftudy law, and to acquire fuch other accomplishments as might finish them for acting their parts in life, fpend their time and money in a courfe of ftudy, rather different from what their friends intended; and, at the end of eighteen months, find themfelves confiderably indebted to mercilefs ufurers, and deftitute of every refource, either to fatisfy their creditors, or to fupply the neceffaries for fubfiftence. Here the business of the play commences. In order to extricate them from this embar raffed and diftressful situation, Folles ville contrives to write to Daiglemont's uncle, that his nephew is dead, and that he has been obliged to discharge the expences of his illness and funeral. The uncle of Daiglemont, receiving this piece of news with much concern, immediately remits to Felleville a draft on his banker for a thousand crowns, to reimburse the expences which he has laid out on account of his deceased nephew. Folleville, triumphing in the fuc cefs of his artifice, now communicates it to Daiglement, who is much furprised at the fhrewdness and dexterity with which it has been accomplished, and, at the fame time, fomewhat uneafy at the thought of what pain the news of his death must have given his affec tionate uncle. The fcene is a furnishe ed hotel in Paris. Young Daiglemont now fits down to write to his creditors, that he is at the point of death, and threatens to haunt them after his deceafe, if they agree not to make a compofition with him for one half of he fums which he owes them. In the mean time a gentleman, who happens to be his uncle, enters the hotel, and approaches the room where the nephew is writing. The young man, who is known in this house only by the name of Derbain, has just time ot escape into a closet. The uncle, mean. ing to stay fome time in Paris, takes lodgings in the house. The mistress of the hotel, a very talkative woman, 3 M 2

The French critics have pronounced this writer a profound Politician, and we shall not prefume to contradict their affertions,

- IV. Les Etourdis, ou, Le Mort Suppofé, a new comedy, acted at Verfailles on the 11th of January laft, before the King and Queen of France, has received fo much applaufe from both fpectators and readers, that we cannot avoid taking notice of it. It is not of the fentimental fpecies. The author has not prefumed to encroach upon the province of tragedy, by attempting to awake fympathetic emotions, or to call forth tears. Gay characters, droll incidents, and diverting fituations, are the chief engines which he has here made ufe of, to command attention and applause.

Folleville and young Daiglemont, two lively, thoughtless, and unexpe

gives

gives him an account of the other lodgers, and among the rest, of a M. Der bain, a very ftudious young man, who has not been out of his room for thefe eight days. Old M. Daiglemont expreffes himself much pleased with the character of this young man, and very defirous of getting acquainted with him. He advances to the door of his nephew's closet, but cannot gain admittance; and, being afraid of disturb ing fo ftudious a gentleman, retires without making any farther attempts. This pleafant fcene is fucceeded by a converfation between the mistress of the hotel and Julia, daughter to old M. Daiglemont. Julia appears extremely fad and difconfolate; and the miftrefs of the hotel difcovers, by dint of inquiry, that her fadnefs is occafioned by the death of her coufin, young M. Daiglemont, who was also her lover and the object of her affections. The good woman fympathizes with her, and kindly confoles her, by promifing that, in four or five days, the plea fures of Paris fhall fufficiently make up her lofs.

The fecond act opens with a fcene between the two young friends, Folleville and young Daiglemont. They agree, that the nephew fhall confine himself to his closet till the evening, when he fhall take an opportunity to efcape from the house, while Folleville and his fervant keep the uncle out of the way. In the mean time, poor Julia is still in a very difconfolate fituation. Her coufin, who, from his closet, overhears the expreffions of her grief, cannot bear that the fhould continue fo unhappy on his account. He comes for. ward, and is about to explain to her the whole contrivance, when the mistrefs of the hotel making her appear ance, somewhat unfeasonably, addref. fes him under the name of Derbain, and begs him to affist her in comfort, ing the young lady. This he readily complies with; and with a view to that, relates, under fictitious names, the artifice by which his uncle had

been deceived. The reflections of Julia, who does not yet recognize her coufin, render that scene highly enter taining.

In the beginning of the third and laft aét, M. Daiglemont the uncle, has a meeting with his nephew's cree ditors, and propofes to them a compos fition, to which they refufe to agice, He then leaves them, and the nephew, who is still concealed in the adjoining clofet, takes the opportunity of exe cuting his threat of vifiting them after death. The two ufurers are fo ftruck with terror, as to fall down on the floor; and the uncle, returning, finds them much more manageable, and clo fes with them. Scarce is this affair over, when a letter, addreffed to young Daiglemont, is, by miftake, delivered to his uncle. On opening it, he perceives that it is, in anfwer to one writs ten that morning, by his nephew. The whole plot is now detected and Folles ville avows himself the contriver. The uncle is at laft reconciled, and promifes to give Julia to his nephew, and to carry the two young men with him into the country.

Such are the outlines of this play; it no where offends virtue or delicacy; the plot is fufficiently interefting; the characters are well drawn, and though not abfolutely original, yet not directly borrowed; the fituations and inci dents are truly comic; yet, in fome inftances, it perhaps defcends from the decorum of comedy to the levity of farce. On the whole, it is not unworthy of the applaufe which it has obtained.

V. As one of the greatest orators and philofophers of antiquity, when the diftreffes of his country, and the influence of his enemies, drove him from the fenate and the forum, to the folitude of his villa; instead of sinking under despair, when he looked back on his own misfortunes, and on the fate of his beloved country; confoled and diverted his grief and anxiety by the aid of philofophy, and employed

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