extended to the aftonishing height of nearly eighteen millions. In 1786. there was an increase of upwards of one million more, and in 1787 the neat quantity exceeds twenty-two mil amount to one hundred and thirty- In the year 1784, the raw material of cotton wool, (after deducting the exportation) amounted to about eleven millions. The following year it British islands * Of this great aggregate the following eftimate has been made of the particular growths, which are taken in round numbers, as it is impoffible to be correct to a point. French and Spanish fettlements, about Portuguese fettlements, lb. 6,600,000 6,000,000 1,700,000 2,500,000 Eaft Indies (a fmall quantity obtained laft year at Oftend) 100,000 The Smyrna or Turkey cotton, about Aggregate Total 5,700,000 22,600,000 This immenfe quantity of cotton (according to an estimate made by intelligent manufacturers) is fuppofed at prefent to be applied nearly as follows: 1. To the candle-wick branch 2. To the hofiery branch lb. 1,500,000 1,500,000 A Comparative Statement of the two Bills for the better Government of the Bri tifh Poffeffions in India, brought into Parliament by Mr Fox and Mr Pitt. With explanatory Obfervations. By R. B. Sheridan, Efq; † ed with political prejudices, we shall exhibit the arguments advanced on each fide of the queftion, and give our opi nion as the force of abstract and unbiaffed reafon fhall appear to us to determine. Mr Sheridan introduces the Comparative Statement with a letter to a gentleman in Staffordshire; but as this contains nothing else than indirect encomiums, of no importance to the fubfequent In this eftimate a deduction is made from the actual quantity imported from these islands, to the extent of what is fuppofed to be of foreign growths. + Crit. Rev. 'Mr Fox's bill established no fourth eftate, nor gave any one power to the directors therein named, which did not exist before in the company; but, on the contrary, did limit and reftrain the faid directors, fo appointed by parliament, in various particulars in which the company's directors were not before reftrained. Mr Pitt's bill has established a fourth, or new eftaté, or department of go vernment, with powers infinitely exceeding thofe poffelfed by the court of directors or court of proprietors at the time when the faid board of controul was established. Mr Fox's bill, fo far from placing the directors, named by parliament, above the executive government of the country, and out of the reach of its infpection and controul, did expressly and diftinctly place them under the fame obligation to communicate their. tranfactions to his Majefty's minifters for the time being, and did exprefsly and diftinctly make them fubordinate and amenable to his Majefty's pleasure, and to the directors of his minifters, in the fame manner, and upon the fame footing, and "under the fame limitations and reftrictions," as the regulating act of 1773, and the act of 1781, and various other acts, had placed the court of directors, chofen, and appointed by the com - ment of the country; they being neither bound to abide by his Majesty's will and pleasure, or even to communicate with his Majefty upon any one measure or matter relating to India, of any fort what ever.' That Mr Fox's bill trenched upon the prerogative of the crown, is a charge of great weight in the general eftimation of that tranfaction; and this important circumftance Mr Sheri dan labours with all his ingenuity to difprove, in the observations annexed to the Statement. If, fays he, a par liamentary nomination of persons to be concerned in the government of India, was an attack upon the conflitution, the conftitution had sustained and fur. vived a fimilar attack in the regulating act of 1773, and in the fubfequent bills which repeated thofe parliamen tary appointments. If the employing the patronage of the company, without the King's authority, was an invafion of his prerogative, it was of a pre rogative never heard of; for the crown had never had the grant of a single office, civil or military, belonging to the fervice of the Eaft India company.' In the former part of this extract, Mr Sheridan confounds fubordinate regu lations with the fupreme jurifdiction of India, which have no fimilarity to each other. In respect of the latter claufe, we agree with Mr Sheridan, that the patronage of the Eaft India company was no part of the royal prerogative; but it does not thence follow, that the annexing of that patre nage to any delegates conftituted by parliament, was not an invafion of the royal prerogative. It was, indeed, an indirect, but a most important invafion; because it transferred to particular agents, who derived their autherity from parliament, a political iafluence, attached by the conftitution to the executive power alone. The effential difference between the two bills which form the fubjeft of the the Comparative Statement is, in our opinion, extremely obvious, and may be comprifed in a fingle obfervation. By Mr Fox's bill, a board of Indian government was created, objectionable, bot to fay dangerous, by its unlimited power, and totally independent of the crown; while Mr Pitt's, on the contrary, by affigning the nomination of the commiffioners, and their continuance in office, to the crown, preserved the refponfibility, without virtually extending the duration of minifters, and reconciled the efficiency of India government with the fafety of the British conftitution. The next paragraph in the Comparative Statement is likewife worthy of hotice. Earl Fitzwilliam, and the other directors under Mr Fox's bill, could neither have had tranfactions with any of the country powers in the Eaft Indies, nor have directed hof tilities againit, nor have concluded treaties with, any state or power, but fubject to the orders of his Majefty; and his royal will and pleafure, fignified to them by the fecretary of ftate, they were bound by law, to obey.' Mr Dundas, with any two more commiffioners, may tranfact matters of any fort with the country powers; may treat with, or ally with, or declare war againft, or make peace with all, or any of the powers or princes of India; may levy ar mies there to any extent, and command the whole revenues of all our poffeffions for their fupport, with out taking his Majesty's pleasure upon any of thefe fubjects in any fhape, and without acting in his name, or under his authority; and these things may do against the will of the directors, and without the knowledge of parliament; fo that in truth, the prefent board of control VOL. VII. No 43. have, ander Mr Pitt's bill, feparated and ufarped thofe very imperial prerogatives from the crown, which were falfely faid to have been given to the new board of directors under Mr Fox's bill? The powers which Mr Sheridan afcribes to the Indian commiffioners are fuch as no legiflature, in the poffeffion of its rational faculties, can ever be fuppofed to convey. If we rightly conceive the conftitution of the board of controùl, the members of it, thould they abufe their authori ty, are not only liable to difmiffion from office, but to an impeachment. In the last paragraph of his Statement, Mr Sheridan affirms, that nei ther against the board of controul acting on purposes of exclufive power and ambition, nor against the crown acting in collufion with the board of controul, and covertly directing its meafures, and its influence, is there any provifion made for the danger which may arife to the conftitution." We are furprized to find Mr Sheridan make any remark fo inconfiftent with the knowledge of the British conftitution. It is a falutary maxim, and has been long eftablished in this country, that the King can do no wrong." To argue for the contrary, therefore, is not only inadmisible, but gives too much countenance to a principal imputation, which the author feems defirous to remove; we mean, an injurious defign against the royal prerogative. The fame objection which Mr Sheridan makes in this cafe, might be urged with equal force against all the minifters of the executive power in Great Britain. It is impollible that their con< duct can be univerfally prefcribed by pofitive regulations; but for every as bufe of their delegated power, it is well known that they are amenable to. the tribunal of their country. 424 Extract from a Letter addrefed to the Printer of a London News-paper. ALTHOUGH I am, for the more nies, so that he could not poffbly part part, amply gratified by the number of literary as well as mifcellaneous articles which daily appear in your Paper, I confefs that I felt the reverse of thofe fenfations on reading á letter, containing unfavourable ftrictures on the late P's character, and the rather, as they were not found ed in truth. The publishing H-'s letter at this time, together with the extract from old H-I-v-s's converfation, is confidered as an indecent attempt, not only to disturb the ashes of the dead, but to throw duft in the eyes of mankind, already too much hoodwinked, or blinded. The letter itfelf, indeed, never did, or ever can reflect any credit on its author, confidering the circumstances of the cafe. The idle tale endeavoured to be propagated against the late P's hoHour, is eafily put down, and the ftigma wiped off, by the following ffate of facts. That the P was under fome obligations to H-v-s, is admitted. When under that man's roof, he happened to receive a remittance; which his fordid landlord no fooner faw, than he very unconscionably fpelled hard for, or made a dead fet, at the whole of it! Reprefenting the great and eminent fervices which he had rendered, &c. The P, however, very providently, as well as wifely, pocketing the money and bills, retired to his bedchamber, but not without hearing fome indecent mottering expreffions dropt as he went out, touching meannefs, difhonefty, and in gratitude, &c. In the morning the P, not withstanding what had occurred over night, gave this fon of avidity one hundred louidores; obferving, at the fame time, it was almoft unneceffary to tell him, money had been long à kind of ftranger to his purfe; that himfelf, and the major part of his fuite, were in want of many receffa him any more money then; but that if his affairs took a favourable turn, all his friends might rely on being most generously remunerated for their kindness to him. This was the real caufe of his difappointed holl's animofity, and here lay the vindictive grudge. There are a fort of people, Sir, (too frequently I fear to be met with among men of letters) who have much of the original fin, or a great deal of the devil about them; for if once offended, they never forgive, but will draw the hidden poniard against any man whilst living, and infamously stab his character, or blacken his memory when dead, not fcrupling even to break through the most facred ties of honour, truth, juftice, friendship, gratitude, and hofpitality, to ferve a private end! As to the fuggeftion touching the P's fuppofed tardiness in embarking, &c. it is a vile afperfion, a most attrocious piece of fcurrility, hammer ed in the forge of turpitude and rancour, without having any colour of truth in it, or even planfibility, unless the following circumftance could far. nifh fome depraved cynic with the means of reprefenting a cafual inci dent, and fabricating or ingrafting the groffeft falfities upon it. When the P was upon the very point of going aboard the fhip that wafted him over to Scotland, in order to try his fortune there, he was unexpectedly prefented by a private hand, with one thoufand guineas; which event caused a fhort delay of about twenty minutes after the fignal gun was fired for embarking, it being requifite or neceffary that the receiver should fhew fome marks of civility to the donor of s acceptable a prefent: this, with the additional trouble of getting at the strong box to put up the money, caufed fome thort delay, as above-mentioned. Oh! Sir, would I could exorcife your your generally-deferving paper from fuch low fcurrilities and infinuations which tend to open and exulcerate old wounds. Lord H. did not think himfelf at all obliged to the writer of the letter in queftion, for the mention made of his name therein. Lord (Chlor) H. after the fuppreffion of his Sovereign's enemies in the North, gave him the beft advice that a faithful counfellor, and great statesman could poffibly do ; tending to conciliate, not inflame matters, by raking too bufily into the dying embers, but to let them go out of themfelves; a mode of acting and governing congenial to the late King's bene volent difpofition, and whereby those embers became effectually extinguish ed at laft. The P and his caufe are now no more. England, Scotland, and Ire land, united under a gracious Prince, may fet the world at odds; therefore, let all well-wishers to the King and the three kingdoms, unanimoufly join in cultivating the principles of true loyalty; and then, by uniformly walking in the pleafing paths of honour, virtue, peace, harmony, and industry, "Naught can make them rue, "If firmly to themselves they prove but true." ACASTO, May 6, 1788. To the Publisher of the EDINBURGH MAGAZINE. SIR, HE following Letter from a the laft General Affembly, in town, to his Brother in the country, fell accidentally into my hands. It contains fome fhrewd obfervations, and bold fentiments, which may, perhaps, afford fome entertainment to your readers. DEAR BROTHER, RHENO. fuch of the laity whose piety and patri interefts of religion, and the fupport of ecclefiaftical difcipline, appeared to me likely to command veneration and e fteem. When I confidered the cha racters and circumftances of the indi viduals of this body, almost all of them men who have enjoyed the advantages of a liberal and claffical education scholars, distinguished for elegance or fublimity of genius; philofophers, whofe accurate obfervation, and laborious inveftigation of the phenomena of nature and fociety have contributed to improve and enlighten Britain; orators, whose rapid or infinuating eloquence has been known to produce the most powerful effects from the pulpit, or at the bar; men whofe dignity of ftation and rank in life enable them to add weight to the acts and refolutions of an eccle fiaftical court; men whose juridical fagacity and erudition render them able to direct the proceedings of fuch an affembly in a manner confiftent with its former acts and decifions, and with the civil and political legislature of their country; and others, whofe firm, tho fimple honefty, and aident, tho' per3 H 2 THE HE bufinefs of the General Affembly is now concluded, and I might return home to-morrow; but as fome of my old acquaintance, whom I had not feen for fome years, wish to detain me with them fome time longer, you will perhaps not fee me for thefe eight or ten days. You are, no doubt, defirous of hearing fomething of our proceedings in the Affembly; but to enter into a minute detail of our deliberations and refolutions, would be to me a difagreeable labour, without af fording you much entertainment. You well know what high ideas I have hitherto entertained of the National Affembly of the Church of Scotland. A body, compofed of the moft refpectable of the clergy, and of haps |
