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have in the two last sessions shown a disposition to favor us, being called, by way of reproach, Americans; while the other adherents to Grenville and Bedford value themselves on being true to the interests of Britain, and zealous for maintaining its, dignity and sovereignty over the colonies. This distinction will, it is apprehended, be carried much higher in the next session, for the political purpose of influencing the ensuing election. It is already given out that the compliance of New York in providing for the quarters, without taking notice of its being done in obedience to the act of parliament, is evasive and unsatisfactory. That it is high time to put the right and power of this country to tax the colonies out of dispute, by an act of taxation effectually carried into execution, and that all the colonies should he obliged explícitły' to acknowledge that right. Every step is taking to render the taxing America a popular measure here, by continually insisting on the topics of our wealth and florishing circumstances, while this country is loaded with debt, great part of it incurred on our account, the distress of the poor here by the multitude and weight of taxes, &c. &c.; and though the traders and manufacturers may possibly be kept in our interest, the idea of an American tax is very pleasing to the landed men, who therefore readily receive and propagate these sentiments wherever they have influence. If such a bill should be brought in, it is hard to say what would be the event of it, or what would be the effects. Those who oppose it, though they should be strong enough to throw it out, would be stigmatised as Americans, betrayers of old England, &c.; and perhaps our friends by this means being excluded, a majority of our adversaries may get in, and then the act infallibly passes the following session. To avoid the danger of such exclusion, perhaps little opposition will be given, and then it passes immediately. I know not what to advise upon this occasion, but that we

should all do our endeavors on both sides the water to lessen the present unpopularity of the American cause, conciliate the affections of people here towards us, increase by all possible means the number of our friends, and be careful not to weaken their hands and strengthen those of our enemies, by rash proceedings on our side, the mischiefs of which are in conceivable. Some of our friends have thought that a publication of my examination here, might answer some of the above purposes, by removing prejudices, and refuting falsehoods, and demoustrating our merits with regard to this coun try. It is accordingly printed and has a great run. I have another piece in hand which I intend to put out about the time of the meeting of parliament, if those I consult with shall judge that it may be of service.

The next session of parliament will probably be a short one, on account of the following election. And I am now advised by some of our great friends here to see that out, not returning to America till the spring. My presence indeed is necessary there to settle some private affairs. Unforeseen and unavoidable difficulties have hitherto obstructed our pro ceedings in the main intent of my coming over, and perhaps (though I think my being here has not been altogether unser viceable) our friends in the assembly may begin to be discouraged and tired of the expense. If that should be the case I would not have you propose to continue me as agent at the meeting of the new assembly; my endeavors to serve the province in what I may while I remain here, shall not be legsened by that omission.

I am glad you have made a trial of paper money not a legal tender. The quantity being small may perhaps be kept up in full credit notwithstanding; and if that can be avoided, I am not for applying here again very soon for a repeal of the restraiving act. I am afraid an ill use will be made of it.

The plan of our adversaries is to render assemblies in America useless; and to bave a revenue independent of their grants, for all the purposes of their defence, and supporting governments among them. It is our interest to prevent this. And that they may not lay hold of our necessities for paper money, to draw a revenue from that article, whenever they grant us the liberty we want of making it a legal tender, I wish some other method may be fallen upon of supporting its credit. What think you of getting all the inerchants, traders, and principal people of all sorts to join in petitions to the assembly for a moderate emission, the petition being accompanied with a mutual engagement to take it in all dealings at the rates fixed by law? Such an engagement had a great effect in fixing the value and rates of our gold and silver. Or, perhaps, a bank might be established that would answer all purposes. Indeed I think with you that those merchants here who have made difficulties on the subject of the legal tender, have not understood their own interests. For there can be no doubt, that should a scarcity of money continue among us, we shall take off less of their merchandise, and attend more to manufacturing and raising the necessaries and superfluities of life among ourselves, which we now receive from them." And perhaps this consequence would attend our making no paper money at all of any sort; that being thus by a want of cash driven to industry and frugality, we should gradually become more rich without their trade, than we can possibly be with it; and by keeping in the country the real cash that comes into it, have in time a quantity sufficient for all our'occasions. But I suppose' our people will scarce have patience to wait for this.

I have received the printed votes, but not the laws. I hear nothing yet of any objection made by the proprietaries to any of them at the board of trade.

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Please to present my duty to the assembly, with thanks for their care of me, and assure them of my most faithful services. With sincerest esteem and respect, I am, my dear friend, yours most affectionately,



Conversation with Lord Shelburne and Mr. Conway on Ames

rican" affairs-Paper money-De GuerchyMonsieur Durand, the French minister plenipotentiary,curious about American affairs.

Dear Son,

London, August 28, 1767. 1 I have no letter of yours since my last, in which I answered all preceding ones.

Last week I dined at Lord Shelburne's, and had a long conversation with him and. Mr. Conway (there being no other company), on the subject of reducing American expense. They have it in contemplation to return the management of Indian affairs into the hands of the several provinces on which the nations border, that the colonies may bear the charge of treaties, &c. which they think will then be managed more frugally, the treasury being tired with the immense drafts of the superintendants, &c. I took the opportunity of urging it as one means of saving expense in supporting the out-posts, that a settlement should be made in the Illinois country, expatiated on the various advantages, viz. furnishing provisions cheaper to the garrisons, securing the country, retaining the trade, raising a strength there which, on occasion of a future war, might easily be poured down the Mississippi upon the lower country, and into the Bay of Mexico, to be used against Cuba, or Mexico itself, &c. I mentioned your plan, its being approved by Sir William Jonlison, the readiness and ability

of the gentlemen concerned to carry the settlement into execution with very little expense to the crown, &c. &c. The secretaries appeared finally to be fully convinced, and there remained no obstacle but the board of trade, which was to be brought over privately before the matter should be referred to them officially. In case of laying aside the superintendants, a provision was thought of for Sir William Johnson, &c. We had a good deal of farther discourse on American affairs, particularly on paper money : lord Shelburne declared himself fully convinced of the utility of taking off the restraint, by my answer to the report of the board of trade. General Conway had not seen it, and desired me to send it to him, which I did next morning. They gave me expectation of a repeal next session, Lord Clare being come over: but they said there was some difficulty with others at the board who had signed that report; for there was a good deal in what Soame Jenyns had laughingly said when asked to concur in some measure, I have no kind of objection to it, provided we have heretofore signed nothing to the contrary. In this conversation I did not forget our main Pennsylvania business, and I think made some farther progress, though but little. The two secretaries seemed intent upon preparing business for next parliament, which makes me think that the late projects of changes are now quite over, and that they expect to continue in place. But whether they will do much or little, I cannot say. - De Guerchy, the French ambassador, is gone home, and Monsieur Durand is left minister plenipotentiary. He is ex tremely curious to inform himself in the affairs of America; pretends to have a great esteem for me, on account of the abilities shown in my examination; has desired to have all my political writings; invited me to dine with him ; was very in quisitive; treated me with great civility; makes me visits, &c.

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