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3514 Cong.... 1st Sess.

Admission of Kansas-Mr. Underwood.

Ho. of Reps.

titu

* Resolved, That the people of Kansas Territory claim their domesticinstitutions in their own way,"may | President silenced his scruples of conscience, if the right, through a legal and fair expression of the will of

refuse, but those who do not wear this name and he had any; obsequiously asked pardon, forced a najority of her citizens, to form and adopt a constitution for themselves."

the cloak which this name gives, are conipelled || Walker and Stanton out of office, and restored

to wear the substance and maintain the cause of | himself to favor; and having done so himself, exIt may well be averred that “ Congress has no

popular freedom. Unfortunately for the honor of pects all others to follow the example. rightful' power under'it to admit said Territory

This country the history of Kansas is written and Let it be remembered by the people of this into the Union as a State.And it may, with

it cannot now be blotted out. Every step in its country, that, while men are every day read out still greater propriety, be asked by what rightful

onward march, from the date of the organization | of their party for refusing to do its dirty work, power does Congress propose to force Kansas

of the Territory until this day, is a step marked, and for honorable, manly, and independent opinto the Union against her will? Why drown the

and that step may now be traced by a fraud, a position to the despotism of party desperation, voice of four-fifths of the people of Kansas, and

forgery, a wrong, a robbery, a plunder, a violence, | ihere is no example of any man, high or low, do for her what she has not done for herself, and

a murder, an assassination-a people ruled by op being read out of his party for loathsome and sycthat is, to make a constitution for her and compel

pression, overawed by bayonets; houses plun- | ophantic subserviency. her to receive it? If this is to be done, let it be

dered and burnt, towns sacked, peaceable citizens 1 'I have referred to the pledges of the Democratic done under the name of congressional non-inter

driven from the Territory; the roads, rivers, and party, as a party, to the claim set up of having vention. Let it be done by the Democratic party

avenues leading to the Territory blocked up, emiof this country; let it be done by the southern

inaugurated a new territorial policy far more libgrants turned back, and leave to enter the Terri eral than any ever before offered to the people of portion of that party; let it stand forth as the last

tory refused; and all this done and suffered by the this country; to the pledges and claims of its newsand latest commentary upon the doctrine of con

connivance of the past and present Administra paper press; to the speeches of its leading men; gressional non-intervention with slavery in the

tions. The picture would not be complete with the inaugural address of the Chief Magistrale, States and Territories."

out this crowning act of infamous injustice, of Governor Hammond's views on this subject are

and to his official correspondence with Governor forcing upon them a slavery constitution, by first Walker. These pledges now all broken, trodden brilliant and clearly expressed. He meets the | making the people themselves slaves.

under foot and despised; and this proposition, (to question just as it is, and with manly courage dis

No gentleman can shut his eyes to the great admit as it is pretended, butin fact, to force Kanposes of it as becomes a modern Democrat. He

question of political power lying at the bottom of sas against her will into the Union under the Lesays:

this great effort to make Kansas a slave State. compton constitution, with slavery provided for “If this was a minority constitution I do not know that

Look at a few passages in the speech of Govern and perpetuated by it, deserves to be met, not with that would be an objection to it. Constitutions are made

or Hammond. He says: for minorities. Perhaps minorities ought to have the right

argument, but with denunciation; and denunciato make constitutions, for they are administered by major "The Senator from New York says that that is about to tion in language far more harsh and severe than ities."

be at an end ; that you intend to take the Government froin the usages and proprieties of this Hall will permit.

us; that it will pass from our hands. Perhaps what he says This may be very good Democracy, but it is not

To call it a fraud, a cheat, a conspiracy against is true; it may be, but do not forget-itcan never be forgotexactly Cincinnati-platform Democracy, so far as ten; it is written on the brightest page of human history

popular rights, fails to do justice to the subject or I understand it. Does the South now again pro that we, the slaveholders of the South, took our country in to characterize the outrage. pose to disregard wholly the will of the inhabitants intancy, and after ruling her for sixty years out of the sev We have been told by at least twenty southern of the Territories, and that Congress shall give

enty years of her existence, we shall surrender her to you
without a stain upon her honor, and boundless in prosper-

gentlemen here in this House of Representatives, not only laws to the Territories, but constitutions ity, incalculable in her strength, the wonder and the admi

that if we Republicans will not agree to admit for the new Slates ? Before this is done it might ration of the world. Time will show what you will make Kansas into the Union under the Lecompton conbe well for gentlemen to look to the results of the

of her, but no time can ever diminish our glory or your re stitution, that, well and dearly as they always next census, to the time when the race of doughsponsibility.”

have and still do, and as the South always has faces will be extinct, and when the power of legis Again, he says:

loved and cherished the Union, they will feel comlation may be in the hands of non-slave holding " But what guarantee have we, when you have this Gov pelled to advise the South to withdraw from the States, and when the examples now set may be ernment in your possession in all its departinents, even if Union and defend their rights to the last extremfollowed to its utmost results. Sir, disguise it as we subinit quietly to what the Senator exhorts us to sub

ity. Will they go home and hold another southmit to--the concentration of slavery in its present territory, you may, the plain simple proposition, divested and even to the reconstruction of the Supreme Court-that

ern Hartford convention? And why is this folly to of all its fraudulent robes and false pretenses, is you will not plunder us with tariffs, that you will not bank. be perpetrated, and why is it threatened ? For no whether Congress will usurp the power of making rupt us with internal improvements.”

other reason, in fact, than that the Republican Repa constitution unalterable for seven years to come, Yes, sir, it is very plain that the Government resentatives, and a few of the free-State Demo. and force Kansas into the Union under it? must remain in the hands of the slaveholders, or crats in this Hall, will not compel Kansas to come

Why, if this has been determined on, did you if we take it we must give security for our good be into the Union with a slavery constitution, while not divide Texas into four or five more States, I havior. It may be we will give them that security:ll four fifths of her people are opposed to it. And bring up New Mexico as another, and have Ne the whole sum and substance of which is, that these gentlemen constitute the choice spirits of braska and Arizona all organized as slave States the South shall be allowed to make as many more the southern Democracy. They are the Union with constitutions unalterable for twenty years to slave States as may be necessary, at all times, to savers—the national men-the deadly enemies of come, and adinit them all together? This might be maintain the control of the Government in the sectionalism. They are the patriots of this coundone, and not one half the evidence to prove the hands of the slaveholders. This is to be done re try. Whether this patriotism is of that quality fraud that now stares us in the face in relation to gardless of population. The States must be made, which has been defined to be “ the last refure of a Kansas. And could not a few more Calhoung population or no population. The slave States scoundrel" or not, I leave the country to decide. have been found to distribute over these Territo now have only one third part of the population ries, ready and willing to make these new States of the nation; but their equality must be main

ADMISSION OF KANSAS. with constitutions to order ?

tained in the Senate, where the slaveholders are Does any member of the Administration party | to exercise a veto power upon the legislation of SPEECH OF HON. W. L. UNDERWOOD, in this House doubt what the people of Kansas | the country-a veto upon all the appointments

OF KENTUCKY, would do if left to themselves is perfectly free to and patronage of the country. This is modest, form and regulate their domestic institutions in and most decidedly cool. We, the slaveholders,

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, their own way?" Then let him vote with us to he says, have ruled you for sixty years. They

March 30, 1858. send this question back to the people for their free who constitute one fortieth part of the population

The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the choice of a constitution for themselves. Will any of this country shall have their power perpetuated.

state of the Union member of this House refuse, and for what rea This may be Democracy. If it is, I know it is Mr. UNDERWOOD said: son will he refuse? Will it not be for the same not so written in their platform; and were it not Mr. CHAIRMAN: I rise to essay no effort at eloreason that the Lecompton convention refused to historically true in the past, and had it not been so cution, nor any extended observations upon the submit the question to the people, and that was, often and continually claimed for the future, it vexed question of Kansas. Contemplating that that this rascality would, in that event, be de- | might be ascribed to the ravings of a madman. question from a point of view differing from that feated? The result will be left in no uncertainty. I regret to hear any anti-Lecompton Democrat of most if not all others that have addressed you, I desire to see Kansas a free State; my constitu complain of being read out of the party for his entertaining in regard to it opinions that have not ents desire it, and I am bound to use all fair means il course on the Kansas question. It should be re yet found expression, duty to myself demands in my power to accomplish it; I will go for results membered that at no time during the last or pres ihat I should announce the reasons that shall conregardless of words or forms. I cannot now here, ent Administrations has any Democrat been al trol my action. by my own vote, make her a free. State. I will lowed to set up his own judgment, his honor, or To those who know me at home I shall have delegate the power to her as my agent, and she his conscience, against ihe wishes of the Presi no occasion to defend myself against any charge will have both the power and the will to do it. | dent or the party on Kansas affairs. Have not of intentionalinfidelity to the South and her cherShe has battled with this question of slavery for offenses of this kind been uniformly punished by || ished institutions. From the dawn of my humble four years, against border ruffians, southern cut- || dismissal from office and exclusion from the ranks political career until now, they have had no more throats, against the oppressions and wrongs of of the party? Was it not for such offenses that devoted friend than I. Born in a slave State, a ruthless Administration against all odds. Her the firsi, second, and third Governors of Kansas having lived in one all my life, a large owner of honor and her interests are all at hazard, and she were removed-Reeder, Shannon, Geary, all read slaves, and representing one of the largest slave has a greater and stronger interest in the question out of the party? Yes; it was for honorable ad- || districts in the Union, it would be nothing short than I have. The friends of freedom there have suf herence to the instructions of the President that of impossibility for me to become faithless to its fered everything but martyrdom, and some have | Walker and Stanton were forced out of office. | real interests. I have heretofore expressed my suffered even that. Then why not trust them? The President himself came very near being read opinions on this floor with sufficient füllness upon

A Democrat cloaked by his name and profes- || out of the party for instructing Walker to use his the subject of the relations of master and slave. sions of bowing at all times to the people's will, influence to cause the Lecompton constitution to I will not repeat them. It is sufficient for me to and of leaving them “ perfectly free to regulate I be submitted to a vote of the people. But the li say, that I honestly regard them as the best pos

Ho. of Reps.

35TH CONG.... Ist Sess.

Admission of Kansas--Mr. Underwood.

sible relations which can exist between two dis. || that any candid man will venture to say it) that by a reference to those grand fundamental prinsimilar and unequal races of men thrown together this principle, touching the right of the majority 'ciples of human liberty which underlie all free upon the same territory; and that every attempt to override the terms and forms of the constitu- li governments, and which, in proper cases, are the to create other relations than these, whilst the two tion by amendments, alterations, or abrogations; last resorts of nations. No people so well as ours races thug coexist, has thus far only deepened in violation of those terms, is not contained in the il know the right of revolution, and none, thank the degradation and misery of the black race. I act passed by the Senate. Mr. Chairman, it is God, in a most righteous cause, God being our should, therefore, instead of circumscribing sla- | there, and, I grieve to say, insidicusly there. If it helper, have asserted it so triumphantly. I trust, very, be perfectly willing to see it extended, with is to be there at all, put it in like a man. Speak || however, that no legislative or political necessity the consent of those immediately interested, to it out like a freeman. Let us have no quibbling I will ever compelany portion of our beloved coun. the remotest confines of the Republic. It is not, I about it. But it is there plain enough. The hon- | try again to resort to this terrible arbitrament. then, because, in any possible form, I am opposed orable Senator (Mr. Pugh) proposed in plain, di And if I had no other reason for voting against to slavery, that I am opposed to the Lecompton rect terms to insert it. His amendment was with the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton constitution for Kansas. Indeed, rather, it is be drawn by himself, because, as he said, its sub constitution, I should be justified in doing so in cause I am the friend and advocate of the peculiar stance was embodied in the bill as it now stands; order to avoid the dread expedient approximating institutions of the South that I am in part con and it was thus withdrawn to make room for the revolution, to which the President refers the peostrained to object to that constitution.

more insidious and entrapping provisions now ple of Kansas, whereby to extricate themselves Mr. Chairman, there are new theories of gov. contained in the bill, to wit:

from the difficulty in which his policy has inernment and motives of action presented by the " That nothing in this act shall be construed to abridge or volved them, by a change of their constitution, advocates of the Lecompton constitution that can infringe any right of the people, asserted in the constitution regardless of the forms and methods prescribed not fail to grate harshly on southern ears: First, of loansas, at all times to alter, reform, or abolish their form

in the constitution itself. in order to induce our assent to the admission of ! of government, in such manner as they may think proper.”

The second of the motives which are urged upon Kansas under the Lecompton constitution—which Why was this clause inserted? Does anybody usis, that it is the shortest way to make Kansas constitution provides that "after the year 1864, suppose that, if Kansas should become a State, a free State. The President, in his Kansas mes. whenever the Legislature shall think it necessary she would thereafter be dependent on Congress sage, after correctly stating that Kansas is now to amend, alter, or change this constirution," for her right "to reform or abolish her form of a slave Territory, tells us, in this remarkable lanthey shall proceed to do so according to certain government in such manner as she thought prop guage: salutary precautions and methods prescribed in er?" Certainly not. For what purpose, then, was Slavery can, therefore, never be prohibited in Kansas the instrument-it is now contended that this fun- this formal disclaimer of a power or right of Con- li except by means of a constitutional provision, and in no

other manner can this be obtained so promptly, if a major. damental provision may be disregarded, and that gress to do that which no one ever supposed

ity of the people desire it, as by admitting it into the Union steps may be immediately taken to abolish it so before Congress had the power to do, asserted in under its present constitution." soon as Kansas is admitted under it. The people this bill? It was, Mr. Chairman, a negative preg. Mr. Chairman, when I consider this opinion of of the United States have heretofore been taught

nant of most affirmative meaning. It is a direct the President, in connection with the means he to regard constitutions as the sacred repositories intervention by Congress in the affairs of Kan- i suggests of effecting the object of making Kansas of their dearest rights; as removed, by the so-1

| sas, in violation of your cry of non-intervention. a free State, to wit: by the unauthorized alteration lemnities by which they have been inaugurated, Your President, sir, had, in a labored argument, of her constitution in the manner I have stated, I from the flippancies of change; and as constitu | in his Kansas message, announced the doctrine 'cannot forbear the expression of my surprise at ting the bulwarks upon which they might repose that

the support which his purpose and his policy rein the security of established order. But now, for "A majority can make and unmake constitutions at i ceive at the hands of the South. For myself, I the purpose of making room for this new comer, pleasure. It would be absurd to say they can impose fet- i

am free to declare that I am not anxious to pursue all these established theories of government are

ters upon their own power which they cannot afterwards

* remove."

that path which shall most promptly admit Kan

“ If, therefore, the proforsaken, and pass away as the baseless fabric of

vision changing the Kansas constitution after the year 1864 | sas into the Union as a free State; not that I would a dream. A new light dawns upon the political could, by possibility, be construed into a prohibition to

o a prohibition to throw obstacles in the way of the admission of a sky, and anarchy is organized. Constitutions, make such a change previous to that period, this prohibi

State, whether slave or free, into the Union, when tion would be wholly unavailing. The Legislature already which were intended heretofore for the protection

elected may, at its very first session, submit the question to

on to justly entitled to come in; but when I consider. of minorities, lose their power. Majorities, we a vote of the people, whether they will or will not have a how rapidly the number of free States has inare told, at their pleasure, may cast them down, convention to amend their constitution, and adopt all ne

creased and is increasing; that the safe equality and riot on the rights which constitutions were cessary means for giving effect to the popular will."

that so long existed between the free and slave intended to preserve inviolate. The distinction It was necessary, therefore, to insert these pro States has passed away, giving place to an existheretofore so well understood and recognized be visions in the bill; but lest an outspoken expres- ing preponderance in favor of the former, to be tween a legislative act and a constitutional pro sion of them should justly offend the public ear, augmented by other free States pressing at our vision is no more, and the only step which remains and justly alarm the settled and conservative ele doors for admission; more than this, when I conto be taken, since the all-prevailing voice of niere ments of society, they have been couched in the sider who are likely to come, as the Senators of numbers is enshrined, is to declare that this voice covert and ambiguous phrase quoted in the law. Kansas, to take their places here-Lane and Robneed not even proclaim its edicts in written laws, But they will not the less confidently be appealed inson, perhaps reeking with bitterness and wrath but has only, in the fury of the mob, to issue its to as the expression of the legal right, in the Ab against the institutions of the South, from the mandates and execute them, Strangest to me of olition portion of the people of Kansas, to abol fierce conflicts and raids in which so long and reall this, is, that this wild doctrine finds counte- ish the few remnants of slavery that exist in that cently they have been engaged-I confess to no nance with my southern friends, interested, like devoted Territory on the instant, should Kansas indecent'haste for the admission of Kansas; and me, in preserving and maintaining to the last our be admitted under the Lecompton constitution. the last thing, I think, that ever I shall be guilty southern rights and our southern property. Why, And then will come, sir, in the event Kansas is of doing will be to dissolve the Union of these sir, with such governmental policy as this, not thus admitted into the Union with her Lecomn

States because she is not admitted " so promptly only will the general prosperity sicken--for all the

ton constitution, under the provisions of this act to swell the tide of political ascendency that beats interests of society must sicken with the insta

of admission, one of those struggles, weak and already so heavily against the South bility of government-but the peculiar institutions feeble, perhaps, it may be, compared with others, In this connection, Mr. Chairman, I would inof the South must die. Let me read you what is which I yet contemplate in her eventful history, vite your attention to a most singular fact-sinalready said by a Black Republican organ, the a struggle in which her peace may be seriously 'gular, indeed, it would be if it did not recur in Chicago Tribune, on this subject:

jeoparded, and the rights of the slaveholder every phase of Democratic policy and tactics. It * It is now said that the act admitting Kansas into the rights which I feel it my duty here to forewarn, is the rare and singular facility-I should rather Union, under the Lecompion constitution, will contain a

if I cannot forearm-will inevitably be sacrificed. call it craft-of the Democratic party to give to all clause declaring that the people of the new State may amend their constitution at any time they please, though in doing

According to the programme thus suggested by their measures a northern and á southern aspect, so they violate a plain and emphatic provision of the con

the President, and significantly and obsequiously In no instance have they succeeded so well, ! stitution itsell. With this power to overhead constitutional intimated to Kansas by the Senate bill, a new con- i ween, as in this. They did apprentice work barriers, recognized by solenen act of Congress, we shall be

stitution will be adopted prior to 1864, in disre- the repeal of the Missouri compromise, when they disposed to abate our opposition to Lecompton and help it along; but with this express understanding, that the rule

gard of the Lecompton constitution. It will abol- declared in the North it was a measure of freelaid down for Kansas shall be applied to the Constitution of

ish slavery; the slaveholders in Kansas will assert dom, and in the South that it was the unlocking the United States; and that when a majority of the legal their rights under the Lecompton constitution, of the Territories for the expansion of slavery. voters of the Republic choose to demand an amendment of

wrongfully overturned, in violation of the provisthe fundamental law, the niode of amendment prescribed in

They did journeymen's work in their divers Inthe Constitution shall not stand in the way of the attain

ions for its own amendinent; and I do not hesitate terpretations of squatter sovereignty, suited to all ment of their will."

to declare my opinion that there is not an enlight latitudes and localities; and they are doing masa

ened jurist in America but will recognize their Mr.Chairman, Jenter my solemn protest against

ter work now, when this very measure of the ade claim. That agitation, bitterness, and strife will mission of Kansas under the Lecompton com this suicidal doctrine. Kansas, with her Leconip

result, even from this comparatively minor conton constitution, brings with her no benefits to any

tution is advocated by the President and me Aict, no one can doubt; and, I ask, is it the part part of our common country which would com

northern supporters as the “promptest.. of statesmanship thus to legislate in blind disrepensate a solitary State for the danning tendency

of prohibiting slavery in that State, whilst of such a dogma. And if it shall be inaugurated gard of such inevitable consequences?

southern brethren are advocating it, and are ready into the political theories of the times by the pres

Mr. Chairman, the great excellency of Ameri- ! to split the Union about it, because it recoen ent Administration, Pshall preserve the proud con

can liberty is, that it is the liberty of law. The slavery north of 360 30'; albeit it shows 118 sciousness of saying that it was by no act of mine

President, in the principles which I have thus de- ! there for a moment, and disappears thence you did it, and, therefore,

duced from his Kansas message, proclaims the forever,

European idea of liberty, which is the liberty of “Shake not your gory locks at me."

You are too familiar with the bold and are license. The one is peaceful, the other rebellious. I declarations of my southern friends to reque But it may possibly be said (I hardly tbink | He attempts to fortify bis specious conclusions to cite instances to prove the burning zeal

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Admission of Kansas-Mr. Underwood.

35th Cong.... Ist Sess.

Ho. OF REPS.

on

which they contemplate and advocate admission attitude of a State. This question was submitted these States? Their constitution is first in point under the Lecompton constitution. It will be to his Attorney General, Mr. Butler, who used | of time; and it will be observed that it is not the inore novel, and not less instructive, that I quote the following language:

Legislature of the Territory, but the “people of to you what John Van Buren, the most sagacious 1. “To suppose that the legislative powers granted to the

the Territory," that are left “ perfectly free to of ihe Democratic Abolitionists of ihe North, de General Assembly include the authority to abrogate, alter, form their own domestic institutions in their own

or modify the territorial government established by the act declares on the same subject. In his celebrated

way;" and hence, upon this hypothesis and lanof Congress, and of which the Assembly is a constituent speech at Tammany Hall, he says: part, would be manifestly absurd. The act of Congress, so

guage of the law, you need not apply for an en" By admitting Kansas into the Union, you put her in a far as it is consistent with the Constitution of the United abling act, even from the Territorial Legislature, condition where she can cure all this evil-stop fraud, and

States, and with the treaty by which the Territory, as a part because that language does not confer the power make herself a free State ; and those men from the free l of Louisiana, was eeded to the

11 of Louisiana, was ceded to the United States, is the supreme | upon the Legislature, but confers it “ on the peoSites who refuse this opportunity to admit Kansas with law of the Territory; it is paramount to the power of the This population and their disposition to made the State free, Territorial Legislature, and can only be revoked or altered

ple;" and the high prerogative of making a conand who would keep her out as a slave State: as she now | by the authority from wbich it emanated. The General stitution is not a legislative function. Besides, if is, until the population is thrown there to make her perma- ! Assembly and the people of the Territory are as much bound the Kansas-Nebraska act enabled the Legislature nenty a slave State, will have to answer to their constitu | by its provisions, and as incapable of abrogating them, as the

of Kansas to call a constitutional convention, why ents for the result they have thus produced."

Legislatures and people of the American States are bound And this sentiment, we are told, was received by and incapable of abrogating the Constitution of the Uni

did President Pierce recommend, and why did the with “ applause" by the vast Democratic audi

ted States. It is also a maxim of universal law, that when! Democratic Senate under his administration, with

a particular thing is prohibited by law, all means, attempts, la singular unanimity, pass an act authorizing ence assembled to hear him. Why, Mr. Chair

or contrivances to eflect such a thing, are also prohibited. man, John Van Buren did not announce a new

Kansas to call a convention ?
Consequently, it is not in the power of the General Assem-
Democratic policy at the North. Let me read to bly of Arkansas to pass any law for the purpose of electing

Without pursuing this argument further, I conyou from a handbill for u Democratic meeting at

members to form a constitution and State governinent, nor

to do any other act, directly or indirectly, to create such Milinsburg, Pennsylvania, September, 1856:

the reasons already adduced, first, that the Legisnew governinent. Every such law, even though it were ap.

lature of Kangas was not competent to commit - Democrats : Whigs! Republicans ! run out and learn proved by the Governor of the Territory, would be null and the fact that it is the Democratic party that is laboring for

If passed by them, notwithstanding his veto, by a i an act of political suicide, and to subvert and overfreedont for Kansas, the assertion of opposition orators to vote of two thirds of each branch, it would still be equally turn the very power of which they were but conthe contrary notwithstanding.” void."

stituted the keepers, guardians, and preservers, I could quote from Dix and other orators of this This was the ground taken by the Administra- il by the Congress of the United States; and second, political school, but I forbear. I however affirm ition of General Jackson in regard to Arkansas; that the Kansas territorial law was in no senso that the northern Democratic advocates of the Le- !! and the position is an unanswerable one. Any an act which enabled its Legislature thus to subcompton constitution all maintain this view, con- ilaw passed by the Territorial Legislature of Kan- !! vert the territorial existence at its pleasure. tending that it is another measure for freedom. sas--which possessed no greater authority than It follows, then, that the Lecompton constituShould not these bold contrasts, then, teach for the Territorial Legislature of Arkansas-initia- 1! tion is not an imperative legality; that it cannot bearance to our extreme southern friends? espe ting a convention, is utterly null and void. I challenge and demand our implicit and unquescially when they were told the other day on this i In addition to this, I present you the authority !! tioning submission, because it comes accredited floor, by one of their northern allies, that the North of Mr. Buchanan, the present distinguished Chief to us by all the regularities and forms of law. But got the oyster whilst the South got the shell, in Magistrate of the United States, whose early coun losing these high pretensions, which are all the this division of the spoils. Are they not at least sels are so worthy of the consideration of his tille that it brings, it loses all. For, unless it can gutñcient to silence the cry of “ Abolitionism," later years; and who, upon the occasion of the be sustained upon the ground of legitimacy, it has which, I doubt not, is preparing to be raised admission of Michigan, expressed himself in the no other foundation to sustain it. throughout the South againsi all those who shall following emphatic language:

Mr. Chairman, let it not be inferred from anydare to resist this measure, so really destructive * We ought not to apply the rigid rules of abstract politi- | thing I have said that I hold it illegal or rebellious of every principle the South should hold sacred cal science too rigorously to such cases. It has been our ! for a Territorial Legislature to institute prelimiand inviolate? But, Mr. Chairman, more than

practice heretofore to treat our infant Territories with pa- nary proceedings in order to bring about the trans

rental care, and to nurse thein with kindness, and when i this, is it not time for us to have a straightforward they had attained the age of manhood, to admit them into

ition from a territorial to a State condition. All and honest policy? Have we not been paltered the family withon requiring from them a rigid adherence I wish to establish is that their proceedings bind with long enough in a double sense? How much to forms. The great questions to be decided are: Do they not the Government of the United States, or ren

contain a sufficient population? Ilave they adopted a re- ! der it in any sense imperative upon such Governlonger will the South, or the North either, suffer

publican constitution ? And are they willing to enter the itself to be deluded thus with fallacious hopes, Union upon the terms which we propose? If so, all the pre

ment to admit such Territory into the Union as a having the word of promise kept to the ear but Jiminary proceedings have been considered but mere forms, Stale, merely because the Territorial Legislature broken to the hope? For myself, I am weary of which we have waived in repeated instances. They are but

he forma the scaffolding of the building, which is of no further use I have instituted The power of the United States. the Janus face and the forked tongue.

after the edifice is complete. We have pursued this course I desire now, Mr. Chairman, to invite your atin regard to Tennessee, to Arkansas, and even to Michigan.

and the duty of the United States, stand untouched tention to the questions: first, is the Lecompton No Senator will pretend that their Territorial Legislatures and unaffected by these subordinate territorial constitution of such legal validity and force as to had any right whatever to pass laws enabling the people to formalities, except so far as they may address claim adoption from its inhereni legality ? and, elect delegates to a convention for the purpose ot' forining a

themselves to the Congress of the United States Siale constitution. It was an act of usurpation on their second, it legal in form, are there not facts con

as matter of petition, deserving its favorable connected with it that render it invalid? And, first,

And on the same subject, Mr. Calhoun, the

sideration from their inherent merit, and not from as to its legality. brightest constitutional luminary of all, used the

their inherent legality. I shall not go back to inquire into the yalidity following brief but emphatic words:

2. If the Lecompion constitution be legal in of the Territorial Legislatures of Kansas. I shall

“My opinion is, and ever was, that the proceeding ofthe

form, are there not facts connected with it that take them for granted, for all the purposes of my people of Michigan, in taking the first steps to form a State renderit invalid in fact? Mr. Chairman, this field argument, however great and grating may have constitution without waiting for the assent of Congress, was of argument has been perfectly exhausted. Let been the improprieties practiced in the earlier

revolutionary."

me add but a few words to what has been so much elections under the territorial law. Nevertheless, 11 If these quotations fail to convince, then, so far better said by so many others. And let me premise those Legislatures have been recognized, and as my Democratic auditors extend, they would that the Congress of the United States is under must be considered the legislative branch of the not be convinced though one rose from the dead. no stress, or legal or political necessity, to admit de facto government of Kansas; and I shall con- | But, to obviate these high authorities and these new States into this Confederacy. Neither Kancede to them the right to exercise all powers del unanswerabie arguments, it is now stated that the sas, nor any other Territory, can demand as a egated to them by the authority which created Kansas-Nebraska act is itself an enabling act, dis right, admission into this Union; although she them, to wit: the Kansas-Nebraska act. It will il pensing with all others. Unfortunately for those may have formed a republican constitution, and not be contended that the Legislature of a Terri- || who affirm this, it proves too much for them. || although every man, woman, and child within her tory can exercise, like the Legislature of a State, That act, it is true, "leaves the people perfectly || borders desired it, yet the right and the power to any independent, sovereign powers. The Legis-l free to form their domestic institutions in their l admit or not to admit, according to its own will lature of a Territory is but the creature of the law own way, subject only to the Constitution." Prior or pleasure, rests alone in the Congress of the establishing the Territory, and has no power to to it the people had been restrained in this “ per- United States. step beyond it. It then becomes material to in- | fect freedom" by the provisions of the Missouri : This high power and unlimited discretion is exquire what powers did Congress confer upon the compromise line, which prohibited slavery north pressed in the Constitution of the United States Kansas Legislature? The language of the act is: 1 of 36° 30' north latitude; and this provision was in the simple words, “ New States may be ad“ That the legislative power of the Territory intended merely to apply to the condition and mitted by the Congress into this Union.” In the shall extend to all rightful subjects of legislation privileges of the people when, subsequent to the exercise of this high prerogative, perhaps the most consistent with the Constitution of the United repeal of this line, they should come legally to morally grand of any which our current history States and this act." I would venture an origin form their domestic institutions in their own way, exhibits, the Congress has the right, and it is ils nal argument upon the nature and extent of this and was not intended to confer upon them any duty, to look with the utmost scrutiny and cauqualified and limited legislative power, if argu new powers or privileges, contrary to the consent tion upon every fact, circumstance, and condition ment upon it had not long ago been merged in of Congress, whereby they might at pleasure cast which bears upon the prudence, fitness, and proauthority, and that authority so high with those off their territorial allegiance. If such be not the priety of the permanent relations it is about to to whom I would commend it, that nothing is true interpretation of this clause; if it conferred establish between the new comer into the Conwanting to give it absolute command. Upon the upon the people of the Territory the inherent federacy and the old; and if there be any time and admission of Arkansas, during the administration right at any time they pleased to form a constitu any act which, above all others, should demand of President Jackson, the question arose, how far tion and claim admission absolutely under it; how the exercise of the utmost good faith, forbearance, the Territorial Legislature was competent to in can we resist the application of those who formed and honesty, it is this. I do not hesitate to deaugurate the preliminary measures to cast off its the justly and universally repudiated Topeka con- clare that, if new States are to be precipitated into territorial existence, and to prepare to assume the il stitution for admission under it into the Union of il this Confederacy contrary to the consent of a ma

nay

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terial portion of the old ones, and above all, with I give to all the right and unquestionable American | with slavery. So great was the excitement of the constitutions contrary to the ascertained will of l privilege of being represented in the body which people of Kansas at the events I baredus a material portion of the citizens of such new was to ordain their highest law. The free-Seite tailed, that we are informed by Governor Sinta State, then are the sappers and miners at work party in some of the counties made an alempt to that they were almost on the point of citi . beneath the foundations of the Republic, and the eleci delegates to the convention, notwithstanding which was only prevented by his convening enemy to its perpetuation has entered within its the failure to take the census and registration. Legislature. walls.

Their delegates were rejected. I will not dwell In the hope (which proved successful) of r. Mr. Chairman, if we could for a moment re on these things. One faet of importance, during storing peace, a law was passed taking the stiu lieve ourselves of all party bias and excitements, the progress of this election, occurred. It was the of the entire people for and acainst the cos grin we should find the facis pertaining to the Kansas unequivocal, clear, distinct, and absolute promise tion, abolishing all test oails, and leaving a'lore question to be few and simple. A portion of its of the Governor, in his own name, and in the to vote just as they pleased. The result of the people are in favor of a constitution with slavery, name of the President of the United States; it was election was that ten thousand two hundred are anoiher portion are in favor of a constitution with: 1 the promise of his Secretary, Mr. Stanton; it was twenty-six persons voted against the constitutiin. out it. For years they have been waging a dis the promise of Mr. Calhoun and many of his as. The friends of the Locompton constitution de reputable contest, disturbing the quiet and repose sociates, that the constitution, when formed by the || not vote. This election was held on the day of the Union, and seeking political advantages of convention, should be submitted to the people for | January, 1858. each other. Both of these parties have made their ratification or rejection.

Mr. PEYTON. I ask my colleague whether the themselves a constitution-one at Topeka, rely- || Governor Walker, everywhere in Kansas, ll believes that the ten thousand two hundred and ing for its support upon your naked doctrine of pledged his honor, by the approval, as he told the | twenty-six votes cast on the 4th of January Ware popular sovereignty; the other at Lecompion, re li people, of the President and his Cabinet, that the all bona fide legal voters: lying upon popular sovereignty indorsed by legis constitution should be submitted. Without stop Mr. UNDERWOOD. I will state, in all froß. lative interveniion, without congressional sanc ping to refer to his inaugural, in which he is most ness, that it is my opinion-mere guesswork, of tion. The latter is much the better, I think, of the emphatic on this point, I read from a speech of course—that it is highly probable they were me two, but both bad. Each party has endeavored, his, delivered at Topeka, on the 8th of June, 1857, I will say, however, in all candor io my cola as far as possible, to ignore the other, and to re and published in the Topeka Statesman of the 9th: league, whose interruption is agreeable, or cerfrain from a recognition of the legal validity of its " At the next election, in October, when you clect the

tainly not embarrassing to me, that there is acts. The free-State party believed it was out Territorial Legislature, you can repeal these laws; and you proof that any of that vote was fraudulent org. raged and trodden down by an invasion from Mis can also, by a majority of your own votes, adopt or reject | legal, and that all concurrent testimony agrees in

the constitution, presented for your consideration, next fall. souri, which gave despotic character to the Le

proving that three-fourlhs, or more of the inha. Can you not peaceably decide this question in the niode gislature, inasmuch as it was elected, not by the pointed out by act of Congress, if yon, as you can and will,

itants of Kansas are inimical to the constituti in people of the Territory, but by alleged invaders, have a full opportunity of recording your vote[A voice. Mr. PEYTON. I would like to know time and hence, thereafter, it abstained from partici

Ilow are we to get it?') You will get it by the convention my colleague how he arrives at that conclusions

submitting the constitution to the vote of the whole people, pating in elections authorized by this Legislature.

Mr. UNDERWOOD. I am gratified at the op CA voice, · Who is to elect the convention? That is the Whilst the slave-State party denied the extent of grand question.') Gentlemen, it is a comparatively small portunity of saying to my friend that I arrive ut the force and violence charged by their opponents, point by whom the constitution is submitted. Do not let us from various sources of information-authentie and justified themselves by the charge that emirun away after shadows. The great substantial point is this:

sources which are open both to him and myseln Will the whole people of Kansas next fall, by a fair election, grant aid societies had thrown upon Kansas, for impartially and fairly conducted by impartial judges, have

and from private statements from gentlemen ei the purpose of controlling its domestic institu an opportunity to decide for themselves what shall be their the highest respectability cognizant of the face tions, a population as spurious as any introduced form of government, and what shall be their social institu It is the uniform report coming to us from Russies, from adjacent States. tions? I say they will; but I go a step further. (A voice.

that there is a decided, an unqualified, and almostan • Have you the power. If I have not the power to bring Thus waged the war until delegates were auit about, if the convention will not do it, I will join you in

unmitigated disinclination on the part of the fer thorized to be chosen by the Territorial Legisla Tawtul opposition to their proceedings. [Cries of Good ! ple to accept the Lecompton constitution. I tras: ture to form a constitution preparatory to the ad Good! We hold you to your promise. Nothing can be my friend is answered. And now I ask ha mission of Kansas into the Union. From this asked fairer than that.:]"

whether he would force any constitution or am point onward we have a right, and it is our duty, This, with me, is high matter of substance. of government upon any people against their to look, in order to ascertain what it is proper for || Here you see a people, jealous of their rights, will? us to do. Delegates, under the law, were to be holding earnest question with their Governor, and Mr. PEYTON. I will reply to my college? apportioned among the thirty-four counties of the receiving from him solemnanswer, touching those very frankly and very candidly, that I would pr. Territory according to their population, to be as important rights upon which we are acting now; Mr. UNDERWOOD. I knew, sir, that they certained by a census directed to be taken. This and in consideration of his solemn pledge that the was a Kentucky spirit beating in my friend is en was fair and right, and ought to have been done; constitution should be fairly submitted to them, | som which would keep him from such a cours but, if we may believe the very highest authori yielding it up indifferently to be formed by these Mr. PEYTON. Will my friend permit fy :) ties on this subject, it was not done, and by res

son who might be selected to do it, yet relying upon state my own position in regard to this metier: of the failure, nearly one half of the counties of their own ultimate right to pass judgment upon Mr. ÚNDERWOOD. Ï hope my coliasse the Territory were denied any representation in || it in the last resort. Shall we obtain the benefits | will not exhaust too much of my time. the convention that formed the constitution under of their non-action, without complying with the Mr. PEYTON. I ask him whether, in a"8:29, which they were to live. Hear what Governor conditions upon which it was procured? Shall || county, and presidential elections, it is in Walker and Secretary Stanton say on this sub we, in any sense, fail to comply with the solemn known.that there are more or less improperira ject. Governor Walker, in his letier to General assurances thus given? It will not do to say that ulent votes polled? That there have been frase Cass, of the 15th December, 1857, says:

Governor Walker had no authority to make these ulent votes polled in Kansas I have but it? “In nincteen of these counties there was no census, and assurances. That he had the authority of the doubt; and I have as little doubt that in any eie theretore there could be no such apportionment there of || President there is no doubt. He states it, and it tion, from the first authorizing of the content delegates, based upon such census; and in fifteen of these

is not denied. Whether he had authority or not, down to the final ratification, there have been rent counties there was noregistry of voters. These tiiteen counties, including many of the oldest organized counties of the

the confiding people believed he had; and it would enough withheld to have changed the result. ! Territory, were entirely disfranchised, and did not give, and be inconsistent with all my notions of propriety colleague says that if the fraudulent votes 0 (by no fault of their own) could not give, a solitary vote for and honor to take advantage of their ignorance or ratification of the constitution were thround" delegates to the convention."

credulity to wring from them advantages which there would be only twenty-seven hundred vs "In fifteen counties out of the thirty-four there was no registry, and not a solitary vote was given, or could be given,

they at least held sacred. I cannot-I will not | left. Well, that may be so; but then those the for delegates to the convention in any of these counties.” do it.

did not go to the polls authorized those who Governor Stanton, in corroboration of this state

How the constitution was submitted, Mr. Chair to vote for them, and this left a clear myjurire ment, in his address to the people of the United

man, we all know. The slavery clause was only twenty-seven hundred votes in faror of the can States, says:

submitted; and, strange to tell, you could not vote stitution. Now, I ask my friend if he thinks ! “The registration required by law had been imperfect in.

against the slavery clause without swearing to the votes cast on the 4th of January were sliga all the counties, and had been wholly omiited in one hall

support the constitution with slavery. An act I say, that out of the ten thousand two hun of them; nor could the people of the disfranchised counties I like that needs no comment. I am a slaveholder || votes cast on that day against the Lecompiono, vote in any adjacent county, as has been falsely suggested.” and a friend of slavery; but, thank God, slavery stitution, nine thousand six hundred were casu

I could multiply proofs on this subject, but it needs no instrumentality like that for its exten in those registered counties where the pros? is unnecessary. These are sufficient, except to sion; and its most dangerous adversaries are those | party had cast six thousand votes in favor liste those determined not to believe. It is true that who would identify it with violations of personal constitution? many of the free-State party refused to vote for propriety and honor, and especially with an out-11 Mr. UNDERWOOD. In regard to the delegates to form the constitution. They pro- | lage upon the unquestioned American right of of that election, my friend will bear me 7.2 fessed to believe, and perhaps did believe, they the people, when forming a constitution, to say 1 that I have, at leasi, endeavored to establish would be defrauded out of their votes by their op whether it shall exist with them or not. When proposition that these elections were noi of ponents, who had complete control of all the ma the slavery clause of the constitution was sub- | a character as to demand of the people 10. chinery by which the elections were to be con mitted, some six thousand two hundred and to the polls, and hence, that his position does ducted, and they were unwilling, as before stated, || twenty-six are reported to have voted for it, of apply, that those who stay away from i by voting at an election authorized by what they | which subsequent investigations have shown two tion authorize those who go to vote for litt denominated the bogus Legislature, to recognize | thousand seven hundred and twenty were fraud-My friend asks me in regard to the nineihin the validity of its acts. I am not their advocate | ulent; five hundred and sixty-nine votes were six hundred votes cast in the counties which or defender. I think in all this they did wrong; || cast in favor of the constitution without slavery; | already given six thousand majority in far and the other side were wrong in not taking the thus leaving only two thousand nine hundred and the constitution; and I ask him if he will census and registration as far as practicable, to I thirty-seven votes in favor of the constitution il to say, on his integrity as a gentleman,

the i

35TH Cone...1st Sess.

Admission of Kansas---Mr. Hoard.

Ho. of Reps.

statesman well informed on this subject, that he cution contrary to the well-known wishes of her purpose of presenting the free-State view of the believes that the Lecompton constitution is the people. This, if ever done, will first be done in questions now agitating the country, as I underwill and voice of the majority of the people of || Kansas. Her people have expressed, in every stand it, truthfully and frankly. With little prepKansas ? I speak merely of the question of num form they can command, their determined op aration and less experience, I can only hope, in bers, not of the question of legality, because I position to the Lecompton constitution. A major a desultory manner, to perform a task which I have disposed of that.

ity of nearly ten thousand of her people tell you regret has not been undertaken by the ablest and Mr. PEYTON. I shall answer your question not to accept it as the fundamental organic law of most experienced member from the free States. fairly and properly.

the State; her Legislature, by a unanimous vote, There is a misapprehension, or else a studied MT. UNDERWOOD. I know you will. beseeches you not to do so; and even the officers misrepresentation, of the sentiments and inten

Mr. PEYTON. The remark which I made in elected under the Lecompton constitution itself tions of the free States, by those who have spoken regard to the nine thousand six hundred votes protest against your so doing:

from the slave States during this discussion; and, was for the purpose of calling my colleague's at- 1 “We, the officers elected under said constitution, do most as I hope that no one desires to add to the present tention to this fact that out of the ten thousand respectfully and earnestly pray your honorable bodies not to excitement by misrepresentations, I am persuaded two hundred and fifty votes polled on the 4th of

admit Kansas into the Union under said constitution, and
thus force upon an unwilling people an organic law against

that they do misapprehend the facts. It is our January, pine thousand six hundred votes were

their express will, and in violation of every principle of pop first duty to endeavor, by frank and full interpolled in registered counties where six thousand ular government.”

change of opinions, to ascertain wherein the real votes had been polled in favor of the Lecompton Signed by the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, | difference between us exists; and then we can constitution.

Secretary of State, State Treasurer, and Auditor. | agree, or differ, as men. To accomplish this, we Mr. UNDERWOOD. I only asked you your Against these solemn and earnest appeals why must lay aside the tricks of politicians, the techopinion, whether you believe the Lecompton con should we seck to admit her under the Lecomp nicalities of law, and the arts of diplomacy, which stitution was the will and voice of the majority ton constitution? Above all, why should the | appear to be out of place in adjusting difficulties of the people of Kansas, and whether the votes South seek to admit her? What will we gain by | between members of the same family-proprietors in its favor were fraudulent or not?

it? Mr. Chairman, we shall gain a loss. We having a common interest in the welfare and des- Mr. PEYTON. That is my opinion. I frankly shall set instructions, which, being taught, may tiny of the Government and the country. Certell you now that I do not know who has the ma return to plague the inventors. This will inev tainly, if we could forget our party prejudices for

jority. The list received is sufficient to satisfy itably be ihe case in regard to the new theories a few days, and enter upon the discussion of the me that the contest is a close one, and I have no now inculcated for the ready overthrow of con questions before us with a desire to come to some idea that the anti-Lecomptonites have such an stitutions, by the unrestrained fiat of majorities. just conclusions, we could either agree upon some overwhelming majority as they claim.

We show ourselves, perhaps, willing to extend mode of settling present difficulties, and avoiding, Mr. UNDERWOOD. While my friend may our peculiar institution against the will of the ma in the future, such controversies, or, failing to do thus remain in doubt, the authentic documents | jority of those amongst whom we would carry it,

that, we could determine not to agree, and come - produced before the Congress of the United giving the majority opposed to us, should they to the responsibility before us deliberately and

States, and which have been heretofore adverted I have power, pretexts for disregarding our right calmly. These angry debates, these imputations, to by many a speaker, satisfy my mind, and re- il and our property. But if these consequences did threats, and recriminations, are neither pleasant move all doubt as to what the will of the people ! not follow, we gain no foothold for our slaves in nor profitable; and they do not add luster to our of Kansas is in respect to that constitution; and il Kansas, since the advocates of admission under reputation as national legislators, or dignity to the that is, that they are prcëminently against the the Lecompton constitution themselves tell the American Congress. Lecompton constitution,

people there that they may turn slavery out as It cannot be the desire of any friend of the Union Thus stand the facts; and the naked question ! soon as you get the constitution in. I would have that the action of Congress, on the question before is, shall we admit Kansas into the Union at the the South play no such paltry game. I would re the country, shall tend to aggravate present diffiinstance and request of two thousand nine hun joice to have Kansas a slave State, if she could be culties; and, therefore, a question of this character dred and thirty-seven of her people, or shall we permanently so with the consent of her people. should not be made a party test, or settled by a not admit her at the like instance and request of I will not violate the general principles of free party vote. Can the President imagine that any ten thousand two hundred and twenty-six? If government, whereby the American people are party has a higher interest in the welfare of the figures could decide it, it seems to me easy of so authorized to establish their own institutions in country than the people have? Why, then, not lution. If the sublime truths which underlie the their own way, for the paltry advantage of having leave the Representatives free to act and vote as American Republics, whereby majorities govern Kansas forced into the Union under the Lecomp they please, responsible only to their constituents in their organic laws, it seems to me the question ton constitution as a slave State for a moment, to for the manner in which they shall discharge this is easy of solution. But we are told that ihe vote be scorned and kicked out instantly thereafter, high trust? on the 4th of January came too late. Too late 1 and forever.

The people of the free States are opposed to for what? Too late to tell us what the people of But we are told that the admission of Kansas slavery. There may be a few individuals in the Kansas willed ? Certainly not.

under the Lecompton constitution will localize the free Siates that do not concur in the general senBut we are told that it was irregular and rey slavery excitement and give peace to the country. timent; but it is nevertheless proper to say, that olutionary for them to have expressed their will I believe this to be one of the profoundest de the people there are opposed to the institution. in any other form, or at any other time, than inlusions that ever presented itself to an intelligent This opposition is not confined to any political the form and manner directed in the Lecompton H mind. Leave a people free to settle their own in party, to any class in society, to any sector deconstitution itself. That is remarkable; for it 11 stitutions, and they cannot long remain excited. I nomination. It pervades the whole people, and gives to the Lecompton constitution validity be Restrain them, and it is the inevitable outbreak of is as universal there as Christianity. The insti. fore it assumes to possess it-makes it the law | the American heart, North and South and every lution of slavery is looked upon as a moral, soJefore it is aceepted by Congress; and assumes where, to resist you. I believe in my conscience || cial, and political evil of great magnitude. It is 'or the people of a Territory, in their colonial or that to force the Lecompton constitution upon the discussed in its various aspects at the altar, at the lependent condition, the power, whenever they people of Kansas against their consent, expressed fireside, at the hustings, and on the stump. We iee proper, to call a convention, to make absolute in so many forms as I have shown you, will be have abolished it by law; and we look upon that aws, supplanting, by their own mere forte, the to sound the tocsin for a wilder and deeper and | action as furnishing one of the strongest elements

reëxisting authority exercised by the Territorial | far more pervading popular commotion than any of our prosperity, and as the cause of our more Legislature established by Congress, and without you have ever known. It will not be confined to rapid advancement in wealth and general improvehe consent of Congress. But, again, is not this | Kansas; but, rolling from its level plains, it will ment. We have noticed the advancement of till more remarkable, as coming from those same sweep through the northwestern prairies and the neighboring States, apparently equal in natural Cecomptonites who contend, even after their mountains of New England, until every hamlet advantages; and in no single instance has the State ?onstitution has successfully passed through all and village and town and county will be instinct in which slavery exists kept pace with the States he forms of law, been ratified by the people, and with excitement.

which are free. In schools, in churches, in libraupproved by Congress, that immediately there On the contrary, do justice to Kansas; do not ries, in manufactures, in roads, in canals, in comuler the people may disregard all its provisions to her what you would not have done to your-l! merce, in domestic peace and security in agriculn regard to its alteration or amendment, and selves; encompass her not with nice technicalities ture and in wealth, (upon soil where the natural change, alter, or abolish it at pleasure; and yet, of law; but suffer her people to speak and act their advantages are equal,) the free States uniformly before the constitution is established, while it is will; extend to them, in fact, what you profess to excel. We believe that slavery degrades labor ret in fieri or the progress of establishment, that extend to all in theory-ihe right to regulate their wherever it exists; and therefore free laborers ame people can do no act to arrest it.

domestic institutions in their own way-and, my I will not live in a slave State, or emigrate to a slave Mr. Chairman, both these propositions cannot W life for it, peace will prevail from one end of our Territory. e true, and common sense has but little difficulty beloved country to the other.

The free States have already twice as much n determining which is true. I have already

population as the slave States, and therefore rehown that there is no such legality in the pro

ADMISSION OF KANSAS.

quire, upon every rule of equity, twice as much eedings which led to the formation of the Lecomp

territory for surplus population as the slave States; on constitution as estops the Congress. Indeed, !| SPEECH OF HON. CHAS. B. HOARD. I

and in the ordinary course of things must create ir, Congress, in the admission of new States, has

OF NEW YORK,

free States twice as rapidly as you can under the hus far been limited by few rules of legality, tech

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

same rules create slave States. In addition to ucality, or form. It has acted upon the various

this, the interests of all foreign emigration go with ases according to the facts which attended them,

March 30, 1858.

the free States, which, added to the migration ver carrying out the will of the people of the new

The House being in the Committee of the Whole on the l of free-State men from the slave States, would state, however expressed or however ascertained. ll state of the Union

probably require, on terms of perfect equity, three One thing the Congress has never done, and that Mr. HOARD said:

fourths of the territory, or three free States, to s to admit a State into the Union under a consti! Mr. CHAIRMAN: I have sought the floor for the li one slave State. With what propriety, then, or

NEW SERIES-No. 18.

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