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the New York men of money. The Treasury supported in a vigorous policy but soon dissoon felt the magnetism of integrity and covered that his advisers were ready for a true patriotism; and, from that hour, it began to Jacksonian handling of the reins of Governrecover its old character for efficiency. How- ment. The brief term of his rule, together ell Cobb took the keys to find the chest abso- with his distaste for a state of war, contributed lutely burdened with its riches : Mr. Thomas to lead his feet into bye-paths—to impel him found and left it in a state of discredit and to choose a course of action which should bankruptcy. The end designed of crippling leave the incoming Administration to grapthe Federal Government had been accom- ple with the monster which his timidity had plished.

not strangled in its infancy. This last change restored the Cabinet to har He was, indeed, to leave for his successor mony of action. It was now composed of men the veritable Pandora box. It was his only of undoubted ability and of devoted patriot- legacy. ism, and the President found himself not only





When it became proba- I looked eagerly for the news of each steamer Relative Positions. ble that a disrupted Con- to read their fate, if possible, in the revela

federacy would be the re- tions of the foreign press. sult of the disunion revolution, the foreign | The North viewed the matter of English relations of the country began to excite un- and French sympathy without concern. wonted interest on the part of the revolu- preciating the force of the arguments urged tionary leaders. The South turned longingly by the South, to create a foreign interest in to England and France for their sympathy. its behalf, the Free States felt confident of Were these nations not greatly dependant on being able to restrain active sympathy for the the products of Slavery for their prosperity ? revolutionists, not more by old ties, treaties Could they fail to recognize a new Confederacy and international obligations, than by the rewhich might safely promise more cotton at a pugnance which the people-particularly of less price than under the old Union ? Would Great Britain—felt for Slavery. A pure they not be happy to establish new commer- Slave Confederacy never could win their concial relations, unhampered by tariffs, and en- fidence. If they must have the products of couraged by a system of exchanges--the Slave labor, to employ their millions of weatforeign nations acting as consumers of a raw ers and spinners, they preferred to practice material to return it manufactured? What the little hypocrisy of excusing themselves a fine promise, truly, for British commerce for the purchase, so long as it came from the and French looms! And then, weightier free United States; but, make the issue dithan all, would not those nations rejoice to rect, to support a Confederation formed ersee the great Western Republic reduced from pressly to extend the area of Slavery, to rivet a first-class to a third-rate power—thus giv- the chains more securely on the miserable ing monarchy a new lease of its prerogatives? bondmen—then the English people would cry, All views seemed favorable to the scheme for never! The North seemed to rest assured the Slave Confederation, and the leaders of this feeling, and did not experience the








The London Times.

feverish anxiety in regard to foreign relations on it the whole responsibility of the crisis, persist in which possessed the entire South, from a very its victory, and allow the South, which it has neither early moment of the revolution.

threatened nor provoked, to act as it likes? That is It will be of interest to reproduce such ex- what a no distant future will inform us. For our pressions of influential foreign journals, during part, our wishes are at the same time for the safety the month of January, as will indicate how of the great American Republic, and for the gradual

diminution of Slavery. We much fear, however, our affairs impressed the European mind. that the North will see in the late Message proposiBeing outside, and comparatively disinter- tions offensive to it; while the South will find there ested, observers—the London Times, perhaps, an encouragement to its projects of rupture. Mr. excepted--their remarks will serve to give Buchanan would thus have failed in his attempt at the reader a clearer comprehension of the pacification, and will have bequeathed to his fellowquestions involved than might otherwise be countrymen only an incoherent commentary on the obtained.

Constitution of the Republic. Would it not have “Mr. Buchanan has sought been better if he had referred to a famous letter of The Paris - Constitu

out the means of preserving Washington, dated in April, 1786, and in which

the Union from the catastrophe that 'Father of his country' said: “There is not a which threatens it; he has drawn up a plan of re man living who desires more sincerely than I to see conciliation between the Northern and Southern a plan adopted for the abolition of Slavery; but States. It cannot, however, be said that this pro- there is but one suitable and effectual mode of acject is a compromise, inviting the two adverse par- complishing that object-legislative authority.'”– ties to mutual concessions and equal sacrifices; it is Dee. 22d. rather a summons addressed to one to yield to the “Never for many years can the exigencies of the other; it is more like a decision United States be to the world come to with partiality than an equitable arbitra- what they have been. Mr. Bution. To the North, which has gained its cause be-chanan's message has been a greater blow to the Amefore the people, the President signifies that it must rican people than all the rants of the Georgian Goverabandon the benefit of the decision for the profit of nor or the ordinances' of the Charleston Convention. the South, which has been the losing party. Under The President has dissipated the idea that the States pretext of conciliation, the Message calls on the con- which elected him constitute one people. We had queror to place himself under the feet of the con- thought that the Federation was of the nature of a quered. Such is the groundwork of Mr. Buchanan's nationality; we find it is nothing more than a partpropositions.

* What, then, does Mr. nership. If any State may, on grounds satisfactory Buchanan ask for? He requires the North to ac- to a local convention, dissolve the union between cept, as forming a part of the Constitution itself, the itself and its fellows; if discontent with the election three following points :-1. An express recognition of a President, or the passing of an obnoxious law of the right of property over slaves wherever Slave by another State, or, it may be, a restrictive tariff ry exists, or may exist. 2. The duty of protecting gives a State the right of revolution, and permits that right on all the common Territories, until they it to withdraw itself from the community, then the constitute themselves into States. 3. The recogni- position of the American people, with respect to fortion of the right of a master to have a fugitive slave eign Powers is completely altered. It is strange delivered up to him by all the States, and a declara- that a race whose patriotic captiousness, when in tion that all the laws of a State, which are in con- the society of Europeans, is so remarkable, should tradiction to that right are so many violations of the be so ready to divide and to give up the ties of fellowConstitution, and mast, therefore, be null and of citizenship for a cause which strangers are unable to non-effect. It is tantamount to saying to the North : appreciate. Still stranger is it that a chief magis"Grant to the South all it claims; it will then be trate, who would have plunged the world in civil satisfied, and will not separate itself from you.' * war rather than a suspicious craft should be boarded

Will the North resign itself to a capitula- by English officers, after it had displayed the Stars tion of its conscience—to a sacrifice of its self-love-- and Stripes, or would have done battle against desand sabmit, in exchange for the maintenance of the pots for any naturalized refugee from Continental Confederation, to all the exigencies of the South? Europe, should, without scruple and against the adWill it accept the evasion proposed to it under the vice of his own Secretary of State, declare the Fedeform of remonstrance and wise advice ? According ral Union dissolved whenever a refractory State to Mr. Buchanan, that would be the only means of chooses to secede.—January 9th. saving the Union. Or will the North, irritated in its “The Declaration of the immediate causes which turn by the reproaches of the President, who throws | induce and justify the separation of South Carolina

from the Federal Union, is by and writings which circulate in the North, where the The London Times. no means so lively and spirit- freedom of discussion still exists, which the South

stirring a composition as a little has exchanged for its favorite "domestic institution, more literary skill might, perhaps, have made it. Of without being aware of the utter falsehood of these course it would not be in human nature--that is, statements. The South is not to be excluded from American human nature-to commence any great the Territories, unless the Southrons consider thempublic document without a proper fling at the old selves in the light, not of slaveholders, but of slaves. mother country, from whose tyranny the States It is not sought to render the Supreme Court of the emancipated themselves, in order to enjoy, from United States sectional, but to rescue it from the their mutnal justice and forbearance, that perpetual disgrace of being packed with judges placed there concord and never-ending union and happiness for the advocacy and promotion of Slavery, and we which they sought for in vain from a society cor- have not been able to discover a vestige even in the rupted by the vices of monarchy, aristocracy and most excited speeches in an excited time of any infeudality, and a decrepit civilization. At this time tention, expressed or insinuated, to make war on the were established, we are told, the right of a State to institution of Slavery. govern itself, and the right of the people to abolish a “But what matters all this? Not a single obserGovernment when it ceases to accomplish the ends vation that we have ventured to make could be made for which it was instituted. We know not what his. in the Republic of South Carolina, thus auspiciously tories are allowed to pass through the charmed cir- taking her place among the nations of the world, cle which girdles the domestic institutions of South Without law, without justice, without delay, she is Carolina, or how much a man is allowed to know of treading in the path that leads to the downfall of na. the history of the world, in those fortunate regions, tions and the misery of families. The hollowness of without being constituted thereby an Abolitionist, her cause is seen beneath all the pomp of her labored exposed to the halter and the tar barrel. But we denunciation, and surely to her, if to any community should have thought that the right of a nation to of modern days, may be applied the words of the govern itself was fully established by the English Hebrew Prophet,' a wonderful and horrible thing is Revolution, and the right of a people to get rid of a committed in the land. The Prophets prophesy Government which did not accomplish the ends of falsely, and my people love to have it so.'"its institution, by the revolt of the United Nether- Jan. 19th. lands and Spain.-January 19th.

We may say here, en passent, that the Times, If every State is to claim to be the judge of its if it afterwards treated the movement in the own grievances, if it is to act without concert Free States captiously-if its scarcely conand without appeal, and if, whenever it believes cealed desire for a breaking up of this Govthat Government does not do all that is required ernment, led it a course of seemingly studied of it, or that its allies fall short of their obliga- fault-finding, it did not much “ aid and comtions, it is at liberty to break up the Union, how is it possible that the Union can be otherwise than fort” to the movement for a Slave Confederatransitory? It is quite true, as South Carolina says, tion, except its general depreciation of the that fourteen States of the Union have, in violation North, and a denial of its belligerent rights of one article of the Constitution, passed laws, the can be so construed. legality of which is something more than doubtful, "The State of South Carolina to prevent the recovery, by their masters, of fugitive has ignored its connection with The Galway (Treland)

Vindicator slaves. But this could scarcely be regarded of itself the American Union. It has as a sufficient ground for the dissolution of the Gov. deliberately divorced itself from those federative ties ernment of the United States, and that it is not suf- which bound together a great nation. Two conseficient, is shown by the conduct of South Carolina quences must follow-either they will return to their herself, which has not thought it a sufficient ground proper position by some agreement or concession on heretofore for secession from the Union. With this both sides, or a civil war must follow in order to single exception, nothing can be conceived more compel them. The Carolinians assert their right to frivolous than the grounds of this manifesto.”- this extreme step by laying before the country the January 19th.

fact that the States of Maine, New Hampshire, Ver"On his (Lincoln's) accession, says the manifesto, mont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, it has been announced that the South shall be ex- New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, cluded from the common Territory, that the judicial | Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa, have enacted laws tribunal shall be made sectional, and that war shall for the non-delivery up of escaped slaves, and thus be made against Slavery until it ceases from the have violated their constitutional obligations. United States. It is impossible to read the speeches “ Viewing the question in the light they do, it is





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set down as a violation of the laws of property !~ | to retain any of the States within the Union. The property in man, in woman, and in children !--pro- slightest consideration will show that the assertion perty in men-stealers, and in bloodhounds, which are of independence on the part of any one State can the ferocious police to hunt escaping victims! They never be conceded; indeed, any such step must also deny the right of opinion, in morals or in prac- amount to revolution. But, admitting this, it may tice, of the Northern States to encourage slaves to very well be that the non-Seceding States consider escape from chains and bondage! Why, this is an it more judicious to forego their strict rights, and attempt to uproot the first principles of humanity, so, practically, to acquiesce in the fact of Secession." and to put the rights of flesh and blood, and Christi- January 10th. anity, under the feet of a Cottonocracy more vile

· Apart from this perplexing than the refined vultures of the French Revolution, question, we see no reason for

The London Econowho stirred up at last the stagnant puddle in the anticipating that a severance veins of the victims of the Court and aristocracy of of the Union, once effected peaceably, and without that period.

catastrophe, will be, in any way, injurious to Great * The policy of the slaveowners is to compel the Britain. On the contrary, we are not sure that it opponents of that fearful creed to a cooperation with may not indirectly be rather beneficial than otherthem, in making all America an immense field for wise. In the first place, we may expect that AmerSlavery!-or else This is a wild and prepos-ica will be somewhat less aggressive, less insolent, terous fancy, and the attempt to enforce it by sepa- and less irritable than she has been. Instead of one ration will only lead to results most disastrous to the vast State, acting on every foreign question cum toto States who shall proceed to that extremity. Under corpore regni, we shall have two, with different objects the present Anti-Slavery President, it could only end and interests, and by no means always disposed to in compulsion, and perhaps the sweeping away of act in concert, or in cordiality. Instead of one, the whole infernal system from the country, which showing an encroaching and somewhat bullying has brought on it the scorn and derision of mankind. front to the rest of the world, we shall have two, The entire public opinion of Europe is against Ame- showing something of the same front to each other. rican Slavery. It was whispered that England, for Each will be more occupied with its immediate her own cupidity, might be inclined to favor the neighbor, and therefore less inclined to pick quarCotton States, and that she was sounded on that rels with more distant nations. Then, too, for some head. But England, with all her faults, would be time at least, that inordinate, though most natural incapable of such a diabolical connection. The peo sense of unrivalled prosperity and power, which ple of England detest Slavery; and the Parliament swelled so flatulently and disturbingly in the breast of England showed the animus of the country in the of every citizen of the great trans-Atlantic Republic, case of the West Indies.”—January 16th.

will receive a salutary check. Their demeanor is Up to the present time the likely to become somewhat humbler and more raThe London Daily

Federal Government, though tional, and it will, therefore, be easier to maintain

it has been called upon to de- amicable and tranquil relations with them than it has clare its right to stop secession, has never acted upon been. In place, too, of Europe being obliged to the declaration. The question now is, whether it watch and thwart their annexing tendencies, the two will act upon it at the present crisis, or whether the Federations will probably exercise this sort of moral predictions of M. de Tocqueville, in his admirable police over each other. Neither of them will look Fork, will be realized. "It appears to me,' he says, with much complacence on the annexation of States ' unquestionable that if any portion of the United or Territories which will add power and dominion States seriously desired to separate itself from the to the other, and so disturb their relative equilibother States, they would not be able—nor, indeed, rium. Unprincipled and reckless Southerners, like would they attempt—to prevent it; and that the Mr. Buchanan, may talk of seizing on Mexico, Nicapresent Union will only last as long as the States ragua, and Cuba ; unprincipled and inflated Northwhich compose it choose to continue members of erners, like Mr. Seward, may talk of seizing on Canthe Confederation. If this point be admitted, the ada; but there will be some hope that we may question becomes less difficult, and our object leave them to each other's mutual control, and is not to inquire whether the States of the exist- smile at the villainous cupidities of both. With the ing Union are capable of separating, but whether Northern Federation, too, we may look to maintainthey will choose to remain united.' It must not ing more cordial relations than we have often herebe imagined that this opinion of M. de Tocque- tofore been able to do; not only will the embarrassville implies any doubt as to the right of the Federal ing question of Slavery, which has caused so much Government to interfere, by force of arms, in order righteous indignation on our side, and so much bitter


resentment and irritation on theirs, be forever re- | States have separated from the General Govern. moved from between us; but the immediate and ment." marked improvement which we may look for in the Mr. Faulkener.-" The States will form one comtone and working, if not in the form of the institu- mon Government, as heretofore. There is excitetions, of the North, when Southern Democracy, com- ment in portions of the Confederacy, and there are plicated as it has been with Slavery, shall have indications of extreme measures being adopted by ceased to poison and degrade them, can scarcely one or two of the States. But we are familiar with fail to bring them more into harmony with English the excitement, as we are with the vigor which befeeling, because to command more of English confi- long to the institutions of a free people. We have dence and respect. The more they civilize (they already more than once passed through commotions must pardon us the word, for assuredly they are which would have shattered into fragments any other getting rid of a barbarising element), the more Government on earth, and this fact justifies the infriendly and cordial shall we inevitably grow.” ference that the strength of the Union will now be

At the usual New-Year's found equal to the strain upon it.” The Emperor Napoday reception of the Empe

Emperor.--" I sincerely hope it may be so; and leon's Words.

that you may long continue a united and prosperous ror Napoleon, our minister, Mr. Faulkener, was interrogated by the Em

people.” peror. The conversation was thus reported :

This important declaration was here conEmperor.—“What is the latest news you have from

strued to mean sympathy for the Government, the United States. Not so alarming, I trust, as the to which French interests are so closely allied. papers represent it ?"

The United States are the counterpoise, in Mr. Faulkener.-“ Like most nations, Sire, we have the balance of nations, to England, and the our troubles, which have lost none of their coloring French are not solicitous that that counteras described in the European press.”

poise should be broken. Napoleon's words Emperor.-" I hope it is not true that any of the were wise while they were kind.





In the Senate, Monday, Slavery, in places under its exclusive jurisdic Bigler's Propositions. January 14th, Mr. Bigler tion, and to make the United States pay for

(Dem.) of Pennsylvania, in- fugitive slaves. These clauses he proposed troduced resolutions calling upon the people to make perpetual, never to be amended or of the United States to hold an election striken out. They embodied the substance throughout the country, on February 12th, 1 of the Crittenden resolutions, but added the and vote for the acceptance and rejection of amendments proposed to be engrafted peramendments to the Constitution, said amend- petually on the Constitution. After some ments proposing to divide all present and remarks upon its reference to a committee, future Territory between Freedom and Slavery against which Mr. Bigler protested, the matby a line on the parallel of 36 deg. 30 min.; ter was laid over. to permit Slavery to extend South of that Mr. Grimes, of Iowa, introduced a resoluline, and to protect it there by constitutional tion requesting the President to communicate sanctions. The resolutions also proposed to any information he may have regarding atdeprive Congress of the power to abolish tempts made, or contemplated, by any large

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