you; in which, however, I wish you to give me as much time as you can, dividing them so that they may not come upon me at once. Interest should be allowed your friends who advance for you. Please to send me a complete list of all the bills you have accepted, their numbers and dates, marking which are paid, and what are still to pay.

I congratulate you upon the change of sentiments in the British nation. It has been intimated to me from thence, that they are willing to make a separate peace with us, exclusive of France, Spain, and Holland, which, so far as relates to France, is impossible; and I believe they will be content that we leave them the other two; but Holland is stepping towards us, and I am not without hopes of a second loan there. And, since Spain does not think our friendship worth cultivating, I wish you would inform me of the whole sum we owe her, that we may think of some means of paying it off speedily. With sincerest regard, I am, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

FROM DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

Change of Ministry. — Peace desired in England.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

London, 21 March, 1782.

You will have heard before this can reach you, that Lord North declared yesterday in the House of Commons, that his Majesty intended to change his ministers. The House is adjourned for a few days to give time for the formation of a new ministry. Upon this occasion, therefore, I must apply to you, to know whether you would wish me to transfer the late negotiation to the successors of the late ministry; in these

terms, (vide yours to me of January 15th, 1782,) viz. "that you are empowered by a special commission to treat of peace, whenever a negotiation for that purpose shall be opened; that it must be always understood, that it is to be in conjunction with your allies, conformable to the solemn treaties made with them; that the formal acknowledgment of the independence of America is not made necessary." And may I add, that upon these terms you are disposed to enter into a negotiation? It is not known who will succeed the late ministry; but, from the circumstances which preceded its dissolution, we are to hope that they will be disposed to enter into a negotiation of peace upon fair and honorable terms. I have no doubt, that there were some persons in the late ministry of that dispo sition.

I told you in my last letters to you, of the 11th and 12th instant, that I had received information, whilst I was in the course of correspondence with the ministry myself, on the subject of peace, that some part of the ministry were transmitting some communications or inquiries upon that subject to Mr. Adams, unknown to me. I had informed the ministry, from you, of the names of the four persons empowered to treat. I saw the minister upon the occasion. (I should now call him the late minister.) I took the liberty of giving him my opinion upon the matter itself. So far as it related personally to me, I expressed myself fully to him, that there was no occasion that such a step should have been taken unknown to me, for that I was very free to confess, that, if they thought my partiality towards peace was so strong, that they could drive a better bargain through another channel, I could not have any right of exclusion upon them.

I relate this to you, because I would wish to have

you make a corresponding application to your own case. If you should think, that my strong desire for peace, although most laudable and virtuous in itself, should mislead me, and that my being, as you may suppose, misled, may be of any prejudice to the cause committed to your trust, I desire by no means to embarrass your free conduct by any considerations of private or personal regard to myself. Having said thus much, I will now add, that I am not unambitious of the office of a peacemaker; that I flatter myself the very page which I am now writing will bear full testimony, from both sides, of the impartiality of my conduct. And I will add once more, what I have often said and repeated to each side, viz. that no fallacy or deception, knowing, or suspecting it to be such, shall ever pass through my hands. iw

Believe me, I sympathize most cordially and sincerely with you in every anxiety of yours for peace. I hope things are tending, although not without rubs, yet in the main, to that end soon; as soon as the course of human life may be expected to operate on the great scale and course of national events, or rather in the creation and establishment of a new world. I am sometimes tempted to think myself in patient expectation the elder sage of the two; I say the elder, not the better. Yours, &c.

FROM JOHN ADAMS TO B. FRANKLIN.

Interview with Digges. Opposes the Plan of a Truce.-Affairs in Holland.

SIR,

The Hague, 26 March, 1782.

One day last week I received at Amsterdam a card from Mr. Digges, enclosing two letters to me from David Hartley. The card desired to see me upon business of importance; and the letters from Mr. Hartley contained an assurance, that to his knowledge the bearer came from the highest authority. I answered the card, that, in the present situation of affairs here and elsewhere, it was impossible for me to see any one from England without witness; but, if he were willing to see me in the presence of Mr. Thaxter, my secretary, and that I should communicate whatever he should say to me to Dr. Franklin and the Count de Vergennes, I should wait for him at home at ten o'clock; but that I had rather he should go to Paris without seeing me, and communicate what he had to say to Dr. Franklin, whose situation enabled him to consult the court without any loss of time. At ten, however, he came, and told me a long story about consultations with Mr. Penn, Mr. Hartley, Lord Beauchamp, and at last Lord North, by whom he was finally sent, to inquire of me, if I, or any other, had authority to treat with Great Britain of a truce. I answered, that "I came to Europe with full powers to make peace; that those powers had been announced to the public upon my arrival, and continued in force until last summer, when Congress sent a new mission, containing the same powers to four persons, whom I named; that, if the King of England were

my father, and I the heir apparent to his throne, I could not advise him ever to think of a truce, because it would be but a real war under a simulated appearance of tranquillity, and would end in another open and bloody war, without doing any real good to any of the parties."

He said, that "the ministry would send some person of consequence over, perhaps General Conway, but they were apprehensive that he would be ill treated or exposed." I said, "that, if they resolved upon such a measure, I had rather they would send immediately to Dr. Franklin, because of his situation near the French court. But there was no doubt, if they sent any respectable personage, properly authorized, who should come to treat honorably, he would be treated with great respect; but that, if he came to me, I could give him no opinion upon any thing without consulting my colleagues, and should reserve a right of communicating every thing to them, and to our allies."

.

He then said, that "his mission was finished; that the fact to be ascertained was simply, that there was a commission in Europe to treat and conclude; but that there was not one person in Great Britain, who could affirm or prove, that there was such a commission, although it had been announced in the gazettes."

I desired him, and he promised me, not to mention Mr. Laurens to the ministry without his consent, (and without informing him, that it was impossible he should say any thing in the business, because he knew nothing of our instructions,) because, although it was possible that his being in such a commission might induce them to release him, yet it was also possible it might render them more difficult concerning his exchange.