"That it is the opinion of this committee, that when the governor, council, and assembly, or general court of his majesty's provinces or colonies, shall propose to make provision according to their respective conditions, circumstances, and situations, for contributing their proportion to the common defence; such proportion to be raised under As I had no desire of obtruding myself upon the authority of the general court, or general lord Hyde, though a little piqued at his de-assembly of such province or colony, and clining to see me, I thought it best to show a decent indifference, which I endeavoured in the following answer:

some of them, which showed a want of con- | his lordship that I had proposed no such concert, probably from the suddenness of the alterations above supposed, they all agreed at length, as usual, in voting it by a large majority. Hearing nothing all the following week from Messrs. Barclay and Fothergill, (except that lord Hyde, when acquainted with my willingness to engage for payment of the tea, had said it gave him new life,) nor any thing from lord Howe, I mentioned his silence occasionally to his sister, adding, that I supposed it owing to his finding what he had proposed to me was not likely to take place; and I wished her to desire him, if that was the case, to let me know it by a line, that I might be at liberty to take other measures. She did so as soon as he returned from the country, where he had been for a day or two; and I received from her the following note, viz.

"Mrs. Howe's compliments to Dr. Franklin: lord Howe not quite understanding the message received from her, will be glad to have the pleasure of seeing him, either between twelve and one this morning, (the only hour he is at liberty this day,) at her house, or at any hour to-morrow most convenient to him.

"Grafton street, Tuesday."

I met his lordship at the hour appointed. He said that he had not seen me lately, as he expected daily to have something more material to say to me than had yet occurred; and hoped that I would have called on lord Hyde, as I had intimated I should do when I apprehended it might be useful, which he was sorry to find I had not done. That there was something in my verbal message by Mrs. Howe, which perhaps she had apprehended imperfectly; it was the hint of my purpose to take other measures. I answered, that having since I had last seen his lordship heard of the death of my wife at Philadelphia, in whose hands I had left the care of my affairs there, it was become necessary for me to return thither as soon as conveniently might be; that what his lordship had proposed, of my accompanying him to America, might, if likely to take place, postpone my voyage to suit his conveniency; otherwise, I should proceed by the first ship. That I did suppose, by not hearing from him, and by lord North's motion, all thoughts of that kind were laid aside, which was what I only desired to know from him. He said my last paper of REMARKS by Mr. Barclay, wherein I had made the indemnification of Boston for the injury of stopping its port, a condition of my engaging to pay for the tea, (a condition impossible to be complied with,) had discouraged further proceeding on that idea. Having a copy of that paper in my pocket, I showed

dition of my engagement, nor any other than the repeal of all the Massachusetts acts: that what followed relating to the indemnification was only expressing my private opinion that it would be just, but by no means insisting upon it. He said the arrangements were not yet determined on; that as I now explained myself, it appeared I had been much misapprehended; and he wished of all things I would see lord Hyde, and asked if I would choose to meet him there, at Mrs. Howe's, or that he should call upon me: I said that I would by no means give lord Hyde that trouble. That since he (lord Howe) seemed to think it might be of use, and wished it done soon, I would wait upon lord Hyde: I knew him to be an early riser, and would be with him at 8 o'clock the next morning; which lord Howe undertook to acquaint him with: but I added, that from what circumstances I could collect of the disposition of ministry, I apprehended my visit would answer no material purpose. He was of a different opinion, to which I submitted.

The next morning, March 1st, I according ly was early with lord Hyde, who received me with his usual politeness. We talked over a great part of the dispute between the countries. I found him ready with all the newspaper and pamphlet topics, of the expense of settling our colonies, the protection afforded them, the heavy debt under which Britain laboured, the equity of our contributing to its alleviation; that many people in England were no more represented than we were, yet all were taxed and governed by parliament, &c. &c. I answered all, but with little effect; for though his lordship seemed civilly to hear what I said, I had reason to believe he attended very little to the purport of it, his mind being employed the while in thinking on what he himself purposed to say next. He had hoped, he said, that lord North's motion would have been satisfactory; and asked what could be objected to it. Í replied, the terms of it were, that we should grant money till parliament had agreed we had given enough, without having the least share in judging of the propriety of the measure for which it was to be granted, or of our own abilities to grant; that these grants were also to be made under a threat of exercising a claimed right of taxing us at pleasure, and compelling such taxes by an armed force, if we did not give till it should be thought we had given enough; that the proposition was similar to no mode of obtaining aids that ever existed, except that of a highwayman, who presents his pistol and hat at a coach window, demanding no specific sum, but if you will give all your money, or what he is pleased to think sufficient, he will civilly omit putting his own hand into your pockets: if not, there

:

Three or four days after, I received the following note from Mrs. Howe.

is his pistol that the mode of raising constructions to act upon. That I was certainly tributions in an enemy's country was fairer willing to do every thing that could reasonathan this, since there an explicit sum was bly be expected of me. But if any supposed I demanded, and the people who were raising could prevail with my countrymen to take it knew what they were about, and when black for white, and wrong for right, it was they should have done:-and that, in short, not knowing either them or me: they were no free people could ever think of beginning not capable of being so imposed on, nor was I to grant upon such terms: that, besides, a capable of attempting it. He then asked my new dispute had now been raised, by the opinion of sending over a commissioner, for parliament's pretending to a power of alter- the purpose mentioned in a preceding part of ing our charters and established laws, which this account; and my answer was to the same was of still more importance to us than their effect. By the way, I apprehend, that to give claim of taxation, as it set us all adrift, and me an opportunity of discoursing with lord left us without a privilege we could depend Hyde on that point, was a principal motive upon, but at their pleasure; this was a situa- with lord Howe, for urging me to make this tion we could not possibly be in, and as lord visit. His lordship did not express his own North's proposition had no relation to this sentiments upon it. And thus ended this conmatter, if the other had been such as we could versation. have agreed to, we should still be far from a reconciliation. His lordship thought I misunderstood the proposition; on which I took it out and read it: he then waived that point, and said he should be glad to know from me what would produce a reconciliation. I said that his lordship, I imagined, had seen several proposals of mine for that purpose. He said he had; but some of my articles were such as would never be agreed to: that it was apprehended I had several instructions and powers to offer more acceptable terms, but was extremely reserved, and perhaps from a desire I answered that I would do myself the he did not blame, of doing better for my con- honour of waiting on lord Howe at her house stituents; but my expectations might deceive the Tuesday following, at eleven o'clock. We me, and he did think, I might be assured, I met accordingly. He began by saying, that I should never obtain better terms than what had been a better prophet than himself, in were now offered by lord North; that ad- foreseeing that my interview with lord Hyde ministration had a sincere desire of restoring would be of no great use: and then said that harmony with America, and it was thought he hoped I would excuse the trouble he had if I would co-operate with them the business given me, as his intentions had been good would be easy: that he hoped I was above both towards me and the public: he was sorry retaining resentment against them, for what that at present there was no appearance of nobody now approved, and for which satisfac- things going into the train he had wished, but tion might be made me: that I was, as he that possibly they might yet take a more faunderstood, in high esteem among the Ame-vourable turn; and as he understood I was ricans; that if I would bring about a recon-going soon to America, if he should chance to ciliation on terms suitable to the dignity of be sent thither on that important business, he government, I might be as highly and gene- hoped he might still expect my assistance. I rally esteemed here, and be honoured and re-assured him of my readiness at all times of cowarded perhaps beyond my expectation.

I replied, that I thought I had given a convincing proof of my sincere desire of promoting peace, when, on being informed that all wanted for the honour of government, was to obtain payment for the tea, I offered, without any instruction to warrant my so doing, or as surance that I should be reimbursed, or my conduct approved, to engage for that payment, if the Massachusetts acts were to be repealed; an engagement in which I must have risked my whole fortune; which I thought few be sides me would have done: that in truth, private resentments had no weight with me in public business; that I was not the reserved man imagined; having really no secret in

"Mrs. Howe's compliments to Dr. Franklin: lord Howe begs to have the pleasure of meeting him once more before he goes, at her house; he is at present out of town, but returns on Monday, and any day or hour after that, that the doctor will name, he will be very glad to attend him,

"Grafton street, Saturday, March 4 & 5.".

operating with him in so good a work: and so taking my leave, and receiving his good wishes, ended the nogotiation with lord Howe. And I heard no more of that with Messrs. Fothergill and Barclay: I could only gather from some hints in their conversation, that neither of them were well pleased with the conduct of the ministers respecting these transactions: and a few days before I left London, I met them by their desire, at the doctor's house, when they desired me to assure their friends from them, that it was now their fixed opinion, that nothing could secure the privileges of America, but a firm, sober adherence to the terms of the association made at the congress, and that the salvation of

English liberty depended now on the perse- | to that town, equal to what was suffered there verance and virtue of America.

by the India company; it follows that such During the whole, my time was otherwise exceeding damage is an injury done by this much taken up, by friends calling continually government, for which reparation ought to be to inquire news from America: members of made. And whereas reparation of injuries both houses of parliament, to inform me what ought always (agreeably to the custom of all passed in the houses, and discourse with me nations savage as well as civilized) to be first on the debates, and on motions made or to be required before satisfaction is taken by a remade; merchants of London and of the manu- turn of damage to the aggressors; which was facturing and port towns on their petitions, the not done by Great Britain in the instance Quakers upon theirs, &c. &c., so that I had abovementioned; I the underwritten, do thereno time to take notes of almost any thing. fore, as their agent, in the behalf of my counThis account is therefore chiefly from recol- try and the town of Boston, protest against lection, in which doubtless much must have the continuance of the said blockade: and I been omitted, from deficiency of memory; but do hereby solemnly demand satisfaction for what there is I believe to be pretty exact; ex- the accumulated injury done them, beyond cept that discoursing with so many different the value of the India company's tea destroypersons about the same time, on the same sub-ed. And whereas the conquest of the Gulph ject, I may possibly have put down some of St. Lawrence, the coast of Labrador and things as said by or to one person, which Nova Scotia, and the fisheries possessed by passed in conversation with another. A little before I left London, being at the house of lords, when a debate in which lord Camden was to speak, and who indeed spoke admirably on American affairs, I was much disgusted, from the ministerial side, by many base reflections on American courage, religion, understanding, &c. in which we were treated with the utmost contempt, as the lowest of mankind, and almost of a different species from the English of Britain; but particularly the American honesty was abused by some of the lords, who asserted that we were all knaves, and wanted only by this dispute to avoid paying our debts; that if we had any sense of equity or justice, we should offer payment of the tea, &c. I went home somewhat irritated and heated; and partly to retort upon this nation, on the article of equity, drew up a memorial to present to lord Dartmouth, before my departure; but consulting my friend, Mr. Thomas Walpole upon it, who is a member of the house of commons, he looked at it and at me several times alternately, as if he apprehended me a little out of my senses. As I was in the hurry of packing up, I quested him to take the trouble of showing it to his neighbour lord Camden, and ask his advice upon it, which he kindly undertook to do; and returned it me with a note, which here follows the proposed memorial.

re

"To the Right Honourable the Earl of Dartmouth, one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State.

the French there and on the banks of New-
foundland, so far as they were more extended
than at present, was made by the joint forces
of Britain and the colonies, the latter having
nearly an equal number of men in that service
with the former; it follows that the colonies
have an equitable and just right to participate
in the advantage of those fisheries: I do there-
fore, in the behalf of the colony of the Massa-
chusetts Bay, protest against the act now un-
der consideration in parliament, for depriving
that province, with others, of that fishery (on
pretence of their refusing to purchase British
commodities) as an act highly unjust and
injurious: and I give notice, that satisfac-
tion will probably one day be demanded for
all the injury that may be done and suffered
in the execution of such act: and that the in-
justice of the proceeding is likely to give such
umbrage to all the colonies, that in no future
war, wherein other conquests may be medi-
tated, either a man or a shilling will be ob-
tained from any of them to aid such con-
quests, till full satisfaction be made as afore-
said.
B. FRANKLIN.
"Given in London, this 16th day of
March, 1775.”

"To Dr. Franklin.

"DEAR SIR,-I return you the memorial, which it is thought might be attended with

dangerous consequences to your person, and

contribute to exasperate the nation.

"I heartily wish you a prosperous voyage, a long health, and am, with the sincerest re"A Memorial of Benjamin Franklin, Agent of the gard, your most faithful and obedient serTHOMAS WALPOLE. "Lincoln's Inn Fields,

Province of Massachusetts Bay.

"Whereas an injury done, can only give the party injured a right to full reparation; or, in case that be refused, a right to return an equal injury; and whereas the blockade of Boston, now continued nine months, hath every week of its continuance done damage

vant,

16th March, 1775.”

Mr. Walpole called at my house the next day, and hearing I was gone to the house of lords, came there to me, and repeated more fully what was in his note; adding, that it

was thought my having no instructions direct- | place-his philosophical works; but the foling me to deliver such a protest, would make lowing general reflections connected thereit appear still more unjustifiable, and be deem-with, by this friend of the human race, may, ed a national affront: I had no desire to make with propriety, be here introduced. matters worse, and, being grown cooler, took the advice so kindly given me.

The evening before I left London, I received a note from Dr. Fothergill, with some letters to his friends in Philadelphia. In that note he desires me to get those friends, "and two or three more together, and inform them, that whatever specious pretences are offered, they are all hollow; and that to get a larger field on which to fatten a herd of worthless parasites, is all that is regarded. Perhaps it may be proper to acquaint them with David Barclay's and our united endeavours, and the effects. They will stun at least, if not convince, the most worthy, that nothing very favourable is intended, if more unfavourable articles cannot be obtained." The doctor in the course of his daily visits among the great, in the practice of his profession, had full opportunity of being acquainted with their sentiments, the conversation every where turning upon the subject of America.

Here Dr. Franklin's own narrative closes, and the editor resumes the continuation of the subject.

"Navigation, when employed in supplying necessary provisions to a country in want, and thereby preventing famines, which were more frequent and destructive before the invention of that art, is undoubtedly a blessing to mankind. When employed merely in transporting superfluities, it is a question whether the advantage of the employment it affords, is equal to the mischief of hazarding so many lives on the ocean. But when employed in pillaging merchants and transporting slaves, it is clearly the means of augmenting the mass of human misery. It is amazing to think of the ships and lives risked in fetching tea from China, coffee from Arabia, sugar and tobacco from America, all which our ancestors did well without. Sugar employs near one thousand ships, tobacco almost as many. For the utility of tobacco there is little to be said; and for that of sugar, how much more commendable would it be, if we could give up the few minutes gratification afforded once or twice a day, by the taste of sugar in our tea, rather than encourage the cruelties exercised in producing it. An eminent French moralist says, that when he considers the wars we excite in Africa to obtain

During the passage to America, Dr. Frank-slaves, the numbers necessarily slain in those lin not only occupied himself in writing the preceding narrative of his noble efforts to prevent a war, which the rapacity and infatuation of the British ministry utterly defeated, but he likewise employed himself in making experiments and observations on the waters of the ocean, by means of the thermometer, in order to ascertain the exact course of the gulph stream; by the knowledge of which, mariners might hereafter avoid or avail themselves of its current, according to their various destinations.* These experiments and observations will be found in their appropriate

* It is ascertained by Dr. Franklin's experiments, that a navigator may always know when he is in the gulph stream, by the warmth of the water, which is much greater than that of the water on either side of it. If, then, he is bound to the westward, he should cross the stream to get out of it as soon as possible;

and if to the eastward, endeavour to remain in it. 12

wars, the many prisoners who perish at sea by sickness, bad provisions, foul air, &c. in the transportation, and how many afterwards die from the hardships of slavery, he cannot look on a piece of sugar without conceiving it stained with spots of human blood! had he added the consideration of the wars we make to take and retake the sugar islands from one another, and the fleets and armies that perish in those expeditions, he might have seen his sugar not merely spotted, but thoroughly dyed scarlet in grain! It is these wars that made the maritime powers of Europe, the inhabitants of London and Paris, pay dearer for sugar than those of Vienna, a thousand miles from the sea; because their sugar costs not only the price they pay for it by the pound, but all they pay in taxes to maintain the fleets and armies that fight for it."