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‘ 12. In the twelfth paragraph, three things appear somewhat extraordinary ‘to your committee. 1. That the proprietaries should deny that treaties for land are made at less expence on account of provincial presents accompanying them ; which we think any disinterested judge would at least allow to be probable. 2. That they should say the last purchase was made on no other account, but purely to save the province the expence of a present; as if they had no occasion to purchase more land of the Indians, or found no advantage in it. 3. That to prove such purchases were not the cheaper on account of provincial presents accompanying them, they should give an instance in which, they themselves say, the purchase was the dearer for want of such presents. If purchases are dearer to the proprietaries when no provincial presents ac~ company them, does not this clearly confirm the assertion of the assembly, that they are the cheaper when there ‘are such presents? and does it not prove what the proprietaries deny?’

‘13. It a pears by their thirteenth paragraph that the proprietaries t ink the part they voluntarily submit to bear, and expect always to bear, of public expences, is greater than their proportion, equitably laid, Would amount to. If this be so, and they are, as they say, “far from desiring to avoid contributing to any public expence which it is reasonable they should bear a part of, although their estate is not by law liable to be taxed,” your committee are at a loss to conceive, why they should refuse, “to enter into an agreement for the payment of any particular proportion of Indian or other pub, lic expences,”when such agreement might save them money, and is proposed to prevent dissatisfactions, and to preserve union and harmony between them and the people; unless it be to shew their utter contempt of such union and bar. mony, and how much they are above valuing the people’s re:

gard. ‘The charge on former assemblies, that they neglected

the defence of the proprietaries’ city, your committee cannot but think unkind, when it is known to the world, that they gave many thousand pounds during the war to the king’s use, besides paying near three thousand pounds at one time, to

make good the damages done to the masters of servants, by the‘irregular and oppressive proceedings of the proprietaries lieutenant; and that their not providing cannon to defend the city was not from neglect, but other considerations set forth at large in the printed proceedings of those times, needless now to be repeated. At the same time it may be remembered, that though the defence of the proprietaries city, as they are pleased to term it, by batteries of cannon, was more their interest (we will not say duty) than any other persons whatsoever, and they now, represent it as a thing so necessary, yet they themselves really neglected, and even discouraged it; while some private gentlemen gave sums nearly equal to that they mention, and many contributed vastly more, considering their circumstances, by which means those batteries were not only completed in season, but the defence of both town and country in that way provided for; whereas this boasted assistance of four hundred pounds’ worth of cannon, was sent, like Venetian succours, after the wars were over. Yet we doubt not, but the proprietary who sent them‘ has long since had the thanks of those who received them, though we cannot learn that they ever were favoured with any from lfim, for what they did and expended in defence of his share of the province property.’

‘ 14. The fourteenth paragraph of the proprietaries’ answer seems calculated merely for the same design with which they charge‘ the representation, viz. to amuse theweaker‘part of the people.--If they, are really disposed to favour the drinkers of spirituous liquors, they may do it without a law, by instructing their lieutenants to abate half the license fees, which would enable the retailers to sell proportionably cheaper; or to refuse licenses to more than half the present number of public houses, which might prevent the ruin of many families, and the great increase of idleness, drunkenness, and other immoralities among us.

. ‘ 15. In return to the good resolutions expressed by the proprietaries in their fifteenth section, your commit-tee hope thatfuture, as Well as past assemblies will likewise endeavour make the public good the rule of their actions, and upon ’all occasions consult the true interest and honour of the pro


prietary family, whatever may be the sentiments or conduct of any of its particular branches. To this end, we think the honest and free remarks contained in this report, may be more conducive than a thousand flattering addresses. And

we hope, that, when the proprietaries shall think fit tb reeom‘

sider this matter, they will be persuaded, that agreeing to an equitable proportion of expence will be a good means oftaking away one handle of dissention from “ men of warm uneasy

spirits, if such should ever unhappily procure themselves to

be elected.” '4 .

‘ 16. Yet if the proprietaries are really desirous of preserving an union and harmony between themselves and this people, we cannot but be surprized at their last paragraph, where‘ by they endeavour to cut off the assemblies access to them, in cases where the answers received from their deputies may not be thought agreeable to the public good. N 0 king of England, as we can remember, has ever taken on himself such state, as to refuse, personal applications from the meanest of his subjects, where the redress of a grievance could not be obtained of his oflicers. Even sultans, sophies, and other eastern absolute monarchs will, it is said, sometimes sit whole days to hear the complaints and petitions of theirvery slaves; and are the proprietaries of Pennsylvania, become too great to be addressed by the representatives of the freemen of their province? if they must not be reasoned with, because they have given instructions, nor their deputy because he has received them; our meetings ancl'deliberations are hence-v forth useless; we have only to know their will and to obey. ‘

‘To conclude; if this province must be at more than two thousand pounds a year expense, to support a proprietary’s deputy, who shall not be at liberty to use his own judgment in passing laws [as is intimated to us in the fourteenth section of the answer we have been considering] but the assent

must be obtained from chief governors, at three thousand

miles distance, often ignorant or Ynisinformed in our affairs, and who will not be applied to or reasoned with when they have given instructions. We cannot but esteem these colonies that are under the immediate care of the crown in a much


more eligible situation; and our sincere regard for the memory ofour first proprietary, must make us apprehend for his children, that if they follow the advice of Rehoboam’s counsellors, they will like him absolutely lose,--at least, the affections of their people. A loss, which however they affect to despise, will be found of more conseqtience to them than they seem at present to be aware of.’

The assembly returned in October, for the remainder of the year 17 53, and to last till October, 1754‘, being composed of nearly the same persons as the last, met with the same disposition, and proceeded on the same principles.

T 0 have a suflicient currency was, as we have seen, the great provincial point; and from the facts already stated, it is sufiiciently clear, that the proprietary-concurrence therewith was not to be obtained, but upon such terms as even silver and gold could never be worth. The loan-ofiice, which was in the hands of the assembly, was still considered as an over balance for the land-oflice, in the hands of the proprietary, though they never came into competition, and no henefit could any way result to the province, but the propri-. etaries were sure to have their share of it. »

What encouragement the near prospect of a war furnished to either; and what use was made of it; and at whose door the obstructions given to the public service are to be laid, will best be deduced from the sequel.

, With the consideration of the state‘ of their commerce and the accumulated proofs resulting therefrom, that with the increase of their currency, the trade of the province, as well by importationsyfrom England as the exportations of their own product, had amazingly increased, the assembly opened their sessions in February, 1754'; and taking in also the consideration of their currency with it, came to the following unanimous resolutions. To wit. _

‘ T hat it is necessary that the paper-money of this province should be re-emitted‘for a farther time. .

‘ That there is a necessity of a farther addition to the paper-money at present current by law within this province.

‘That there is a necessity, that a sum should be struck to

r"- '

exchange the ragged and torn bills now current by law in_ ths province.’

Upon which resolutions, they afterwards ordered in a bill for striking forty thousand pounds, to be made current and emitted on loan, and for re-emitting and continuing the currency of the bills already in circulation; and on the other hand, the governor sent them down a written message, _accompanied with a letter to himself from the Earl of Holdernesse, a second from the lords of trade, and a third from the French commandant on the Ohio to Mr. Dinwiddie, deputy governor of Virginia.

The Earl of Holdernesse’s letter was dated August 28, 1753, and as it may be presumed, was nearly the same with the other letters, sent at the same time, to the governors of the other provinces.

The contents of it were, “That his majesty having received information of the march of a considerable number of Indians, supported by some regular European troops, with an intention as it was apprehended, to commit some hostili-‘ ties on parts of his majesty’s dominions in America, his lordship had received the king’s commands to send him (the governor) intelligence thereof; as also to direct him, to use his utmost diligence to learn how far the same might be well grounded; and to put him upon his guard, that he might be ‘ at all events, in a condition to resist any hostile attempts that might be made upon any parts of. his majesty’s dominions within his government; and to direct him in the, king’s name, that in case the subjects of any foreign prince L or state should presume to make, any encroachments on the limits of his majesty’s dominions, or to erect forts on his majesty’s lands, or commit any other act of hostility, he was immediately to represent the injustice of such proceedings, and to require them forthwith to desist from any such unlawful undertaking; but if, notwithstanding such requisition, they should still persist hev was then to draw forth the armed force of the province, and to use his best endeavours to repel force by force. But as it was his majesty’s determination, not to be the aggressor, he

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