a bili of rights to ascertain the just claims of the people, a constitution to direct and restrain the legislature, a code of laws to guide and direct the executive authority, are matters of high importance to any people; and are justly esteemed among the wisest productions, of ancient or modern times. But no people ought to expect that any thing of this nature will avail to secure, or to perpetuate their liberties Such things are consequences, not the causes; the evidences, not the origin of the liberties of the people, They derive their whole authority and force, from the public sentiment; and are of no further avail to secure the liberties of the people, than as they tend to express, to form, and to preserve the public opinion. If this alters and changes, any bill of rights, any constitution or form of government, and law, may easily be set aside, be changed, or be made of none effect. For it will never be dangerous for the government of any people, to make any alteration or changes, which the public opinion will either allow, justify, or support. Nor ought any people to expect, that their legislators or governors will be able to preserve their liberties, for a long period of time. Any body of men who enjoy the powers and profits of public employments, will unavoidably wish to have those profits and powers increased. The difficulties they will meet with in the execution of their office, the unreasonable opposition that will be made by many to their wisest and best measures, and the constant attempts to displace them, by those whose only aim and wish is to succeed them; such things, joined with a natural love of power

which are reduced to servitude, and rendered incapable of supporting families, with the impious institutions of celibacy, have nearly destroyed the natural increase of mankind; or at least they have rendered it extremely slow, and uncertain. "In Great Britain, and most other European countries, they are not supposed to double in less than five hundred years."* In vain do politicians go about to celebrate the wisdom of a state of society, which destroys the noblest fruit and production of nature: It must be essentially and fundamentally bad. The surest proof of the prosperity of any country, a rapid increase of the people.

་་

Smith's Wealth of Nations, Vol. I. g4.
VOL. II E 3

is

a bill of rights to ascertain the just claims of the people, a constitution to direct and restrain the legislature, a code of laws to guide and direct the executive authority, are matters of high importance to any people; and are justly esteemed among the wisest productions, of ancient or modern times. But no people ought to expect that any thing of this nature will avail to secure, or to perpetuate their liberties. Such things are consequences, not the causes; the evidences, not the origin of the liberties of the people. They derive their whole authority and force, from the public sentiment; and are of no further avail to secure the liberties of the people, than as they tend to express, to form, and to preserve the public opinion. If this alters and changes, any bill of rights, any constitution or form of government, and law, may easily be set aside, be changed, or be made of none effect. For it will never be dangerous for the government of any people, to make any alteration or changes, which the public opinion will either allow, justify, or support. Nor ought any people to expect, that their legislators or governors will be able to preserve their liberties, for a long period of time. Any body of men who enjoy the powers and profits of public employments, will unavoidably wish to have those profits and powers increased. The difficulties they will meet with in the execution of their office, the unreasonable opposition that will be made by many to their wisest and best measures, and the constant attempts to displace them, by those whose only aim and wish is to succeed them; such things, joined with a natural love of power

No. IV.

Address to General Burgoyne.* Chap. IV. p. 100.

TO John Burgoyne, Efq. Lieutenant General of his majesty's armies in America, Colonel of the Queen's regiment of light dragoons, governor of fort William in North Britain, one of the reprefentatives of the Com mons of Great Britain, and commanding an army and fleet employed on an expedition from Canada, &c. &c. &c.

Moft high, mot mighty, most puiffant, and fublime General!

When the forces under your command arrived at Quebec in order to alt in concert and upon a common principle with the numerous fleets and armies which already difplay in every quarter of America, the justice and mercy of your king. we the reptiles of America, were ftruck with unufual trepidation and astonishment. But what words can exprefs the plenitude of our horror, when the colonel of the Queen's regiment of light dragoons, advanced towards Ticonderoga. The mountains fhook before thee, and the trees of the foreft bowed their lofty heads; the vaft lakes of the north were chilled at thy prefence, and the mighty cataracts stopped their tremendous career, and were fufpended in awe at thy approach. Judge, then, oh ineffable governor of Fort William in North Britain, what must have been the terror, difmay, and defpair, that overspread this paltry continent of America, and us its wretched inhabitants. Dark and dreary, indeed, was the profpect before us, till like the fun in the horizon, your most gracious, fublime, and irrefiftable proclamation opened the doors of mercy, and fnatched us, as it were, from the jaws of annihilation.

We foolishly thought, blind as we were, that your gracious master's fleets and armies were come to deftroy us and our liberties; but we are happy in hearing from you (and who can doubt what you affert ?) that they were called forth for the fole purpose of refloring the rights of the conflitution to a froward and stubborn generation.

And is it for this, oh fublime lieutenant general, that you have given yourfelf the trouble to cross the wide Atlantic, and with incredible fatigue traverfe uncultivated wilds? And we ungratefully refuse the proffered bleffing?-To reftore the rights of the conftitution, you have called together an amiable host of favages, and turned them loofe to fcalp our women and children, and lay our country wafte. This they have performed with their ufual skill and clemency, and yet we remain infenfible of the benefit, and unthankful for fo much goodness.

Our Congress have declared independence, and our affemblies, as your highnefs justly obferves, have most wickedly imprisoned the avowed friends of that power with which they are at war, and most profanely compelled thofe, whofe confciences will not permit them to fight, to pay fome fmall part towards the expences their country is at, in fupporting what is called a neceffary, defenfive war. If we go on thus in our obftinacy and ingratitude, what can we expect, but that you should, in your anger, give a ftretch to the Indian forces under your direction, amounting to thousands, to overtake and destroy us? Or, which is ten times worle, that you should withdraw your fleets and armies, and leave us to our own mifery, without compleating the benevolent task you have begun, of refloring to us the rights of the conflitution? We fubmit, we submit, moft puiffant colonel of the Queen's regiment of light dragons, and governor of fort William in North Britain! We offer our heads to the fcalping knife, and our bellies to the bayonet. Who can refift the force *Written by a young officer, and defigned for the foldiers in the American army. VOL. II G 3

of your cloquence? Who can withstand the terror of your arms? The invitation you have made, in the confciousness of christianity, your royal mafter's clemency, and the honor of foldiership, we thankfully accept. The blood of the flain, the cries of injured virgins and innocent children, and the never ceafing ughs and groans of ftarving wretches, now languishing in the jails and prifon fhips of New York, call on us in vain, whilft your fublime proclamation is founded in our ears. Forgive us, oh our country! Forgive us, dear pofterity! Forgive us, all ye foreign powers, who are anxiously watching our conduct in this important ftruggle, if we yield implicitly to the perfuafive tongue of the most elegant colonel of her majesty's regiment of light dragoons.

Forbear then, thou magnanimous lieutenant general! Forbear to denounce vengeance against us. Forbear to give a ftretch to thofe restorers of conftitutional right, the Indian forces under your direction. Let not the messengers of jultice and wrath await us in the field, and devaftation, famine, and every concomitant horror, bar our return to the allegiance of a prince, who by his royal will, would deprive us of every bleffing of life, with all poffible clemency, We are domeftic, we are induftrious, we are infirm and timid; we fhall remain quietly at home, and not remove our cattle, our corn, or forage, in hopes you will come, at the head of troops, in the full powers of health, discipline, and valor, and take charge of them for yourselves. Behold our wives and daughters, our flocks and herds, our goods and chattels, are they not at the mercy of our lord the king, and of his lieutenant general, member of the house of commons, and governor of Fort William in North Britain ?

A. B.
C. D.

Saratoga, Ioth July, 1777.

E. F. &c. &c. &c.

No. V.

Lord Chatham's Speech on the Indian war and barbarity. Chap. IV. p. 134. IN the time of the American war, it was the practice with the Britith minifters and their adherents, in their fpeeches in the British parliament, to avow and justify their measures of employing the Indians to carry the horrors and barbarities of their favage wars, into the American frontiers and plantations. It was faid to be right, wife, and eventually a measure of mercy and clemency; as it would foon put an end to the rebellion, and of courfe to the neceffity of any further war and deftruction, by reducing the colonies to a state of obedience and fubjection to the British king and nation. Among others, lord Suffolk, fecretary of state, highly commended the measure, and obferved, "Befides its policy and neceflity, the measure was also allowable on principle, for that it was perfectly justifiable to use all the means that God and nature had put into our hands."

On this occafion, the venerable old patriot lord Chatham, by whole adminiftration Canada had been conquered, and an end put to the Indian ravages and flaughter, rofe, and spoke; "I am aftonished, shocked to hear fuch principles confeffed; to hear them avowed in this houfe or even in this country. My lords, I did not intend to have encroached again on your attention, but I cannot reprefs my indignation. I feel myself impelled to fpeak. My lords, we are called upon as members of this houfe, as men,