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Particulars of the Seizure of the Princefs of Orange.

culty, but abfolutely refufed Mr. B's offer to fend off the exprefs in one of our chaifes, and to accompany it, in order to haften its return. All that we could obtain of this officer, worthy by his rough manners to ferve in the Vry Corps, was to permit Mr. B. to write fome lines to Gen. Van Ryffel, with which he fent a horfeman of his company.

I next obferved, that, as it was but three leagues from the place where we were to Van Ryffel's quarters, it was not proper to keep the Princefs waiting in the middle of the road till the return of the exprefs, and 1 defired the officer to conduct us to fome place in the neighbourhood, where her Royal Highnefs might be more at her cafe. To this he confented, and we prepared for our departure. Part of the cavalry and the volunteers went behind the carriage, making fuch a noife as I fuppofe highwaymen would do upon a good prize. I could not obferve the leaft difcipline or fubordination in this whole troop, except what was fhewn by the lieute

nant of horse to the officer of the volunteers; he never fpoke to him but with his hat in his hand, and we faw plainly that he depended on him for his orders, though the latter was not at all depended on by his miferable troop. They placed themfelves behind and before the carriage juft as they thought fit. In this confufion one of the Princefs's coachhorfes took fright, and I expected every moment they would overfet the coach in one of the dykes on each fide of the road. Mr. B. and I leaped out of the carriage to affift, but the Vry Corps had the infolence to hinder us. Meanwhile the Princefs's fervants difengaged the horfes from the traces, and we fet off, conducted like prifoners, we knew not where. On the road, we learnt that they were carrying us to a place called the Goverwelfe Sluys, where we arrived at feven o'clock in the evening. The Princefs and her fuite were conducted to the quarters of the commander of the Vry Corps, who was abfent. The volunteer officers of the troops that convoyed us carried us all together into the fame room, and her Royal High nefs's attendants into another adjoining. They placed centinels at all the doors, and took the most ridiculous precautions, fo far as to caufe three foldiers, with their fwords drawn, to accompany one of her Highnefs's waiting-maids, who had occation to go to a place, whi

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ther, probably, no woman was ever fo escorted. The officer who conducted us was, however, polite after his fafhion. He stayed, at firft, with his fword drawn in the Princefs's chamber; but fome of her Highness's attendants having obferved to him that this was not at all proper, he made no difficulty of putting it up again into his fcabbard. carried his politenefs fo far as to offer her Royal Highnets and her fuite wine and beer, and even pipes and tobacco, fitting cross-legged by her fide. Her Highnefs readily forgave him this want of refpect, plainly feeing that he was a good kind of brute, whom chance had made, from a fhoemaker or a taylor, captain of the Vry Corps.

After fome hours, her Highness received a vifit from the commillioners of the States of Holland refiding at Woerden. Her fuite went into the next room; but I muft obferve, that, during the converfation thefe gentlemen held with her Highnefs, they kept the officer of the Vry Corps conflantly in the room, whence I conclude that they confidered her as their prifoner. They began by asking her Highnefs the motive of her journey, and if he meant to go to the Hague. She fatisfied their enquiries, and did not conceal from them her furprize at what had happened. They then made their excufes, and endea youred to palliate their conduct, concluding with telling her, that they had been obliged to keep, to their orders, which were extremely ftrict; that they had dispatched an exp efs to the States, to inform them of what had happened, and to get their farther orders; that, till the return of the exprefs, it was impoffible for them to let her proceed on her journey; and that they defired her to choofe fome neighbouring town to pafs the night in. They propofed to her Woerden or Schoonhoven. She had at firft propofed Gouda, which was neareft; but as they made many difficulties, and were apprehensive of an infurrection, the did not infift on it, in order to prove the fincerity of the af furances which he had given them. She had alfo thought of returning back to Leerdam, but the difficulty of getting horfes made her determine for Schoonhoven, whither two of the commithioners accompanied her with an etcort of hole.

It was about midnight when we arrived there. Her Royal Highnefs wrote

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ately to the Grand Pentioner and

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the Secretary, and having in vain waited all the 29th for an anfwer from the States of Holland, not only to her letters, but alfo to the exprefs from the commiffioners, fhe thought it was moft advifeable to return to Nimeguen. At four in the morning the quitted Schoonhoven, after having quietly paffed 36 hours there without attempting to furmount the obstacles raifed to her departure; because, as her intentions were laudable, he had nothing to reproach herself with, and feared nothing, but was perfectly refigned to all that could happen to her. Her Highness received at laft from the States the answer fo long expected, at the moment we were about to cross the Leck; and you know, Sir, that the contents of thefe letters were not fuch as to induce her Royal Highness to stay any longer in the territory of Holland. During our stay at Schoonhoven, we heard that the Rhingrave had fpread a report that the Prince was marching with a body of 10 or 12,000 men to this town, and had fent before a detachment of huffars, under pretence of coming to her relief, but that the magiftrates had refufed them entrance, faying, that he would be answerable for the tranquillity of the town. A pleafant idea, to make people believe that your Serene Highnefs was marching with an army, of which your Auguft Confort formed the advanced guard. I have the honour, &c.

Letters to the People of Great Britain, on the Cultivation of their National Hiftory.

LETTER IV.

N confidering the next part of our

ceding the Conqueft, is a fufficient excufe for our neglect of that period. Certain it is, that thefe materials are not large, being almost confined to the Saxon Chronicles above-mentioned; while, after the Norman fettlement, our numerous hiftorians, chiefly of Norman race, or under Norman patronage, throw a blaze of light around them, which renders even minute parts of our hiftory confpicuous. But the attachment of thefe writers to the Normans made them pafs, the more ancient hiftory of England with an invidious parfimony, while they regale us with every incident of Norman times in full difplay This partiality of our original writers has affected our antiquaries and hiftoriographers, who, inftead of "running counter, as they bught, to this dif pofition, have been drawn into its vor

tcx.

Yet it is certainly a matter of the eafieft conception, and most palpable truth, that the moft obfcure period of our history was exactly that which required the moft illuftration. So that our Antiquaries, who have confined what little refearches they have made to the Norman and later periods of our hiftory, have acted in diametrical op-. pofition to their duty, both as patriots and as antiquaries.

Another reafon for neglecting the earlier parts of our hiftory is, the diffi culty arifing from the heptarchic divi. fion. It is certainly a matter of fome difficulty to give a clear history of fix or feven fmall kingdoms; but, as the Greek proverb bears, all excellent things are difficult; and the greater the diffi culty, there is the more merit in good execution. All modern kingdoms pre

I plan, namels, wherein the neglect fent the fame difficulty, in tacit early

of our hiftory chiefly lies, it will be proper to point out, firft, the period of our history which has been leaft illuftiated; and, fecondly, the particular provinces of hiftorical refearch, which have been leaft cultivated among us.

The period of our history which has been leaft illuftrated, ftrikes at once, as being that preceding the Norman conquett. It is indeed a mortifying reflec tion, that Englishmen thould think the Liftory of their own ancestors of no mo ment, in comparison with that of the Norman princes and their followers, who fettled in this country; fhould feem to think England of no account till it became a prey to Norman ravagers Perhaps it may be faid, that the want of materials for our hiftory, pre

hiftory, and generally to a far later pe riod than England: but their antiquaries have only been excited, by this difficulty, to exert the greater accuracy and care. Our heptarchic history is not only totally neglected; but our writers think proper to apologize for their own indolence, by informing us that it is not worth writing. Mr. Hume, fenfible of the great careleffnefs with which he had sketched this part of Englih history, quotes Milton, as faying, that the wars of the heptarchic ftates are not more important than those of crows and kites. But this is like the rest of Mr. Hume's quotations; for Milton, in that paffage, fpeaks not of heptarchic wars, but of a paltry squabble be tween two noblemen of that ume. Take

Letter IV. on the Cultivation of our National Hiflory.

his own words, p. 183, edit. 1671, 4to, of his Hiftory of England: "The fame day Ethelmund at Kinneresford, paffing over with the Worcestershire men, was met by Weolfian, another nobleman, with thofe of Wiltshire, between whom happened a great fray, wherin the Wiltshire men overcame, but both dukes were flain, no reafon of thir quarrel writ'n; fuch bickerings to recount, met oft'n in thefe our writers, what more worth is it than to chronicle the wars of kites, or crows, flocking and fighting in the air?" The fact is, that the fmalleft of the heptarchic kingdoms was fuperior in fize and power to any one of the heroic king doms of Greece, whofe hiftory we read with so much attention; and the whole Grecian ftory, till the period of Alexander, is not in itself more important or interefting than our heptarchic. The genius of the authors makes all the difference; and this genius, it is hoped, will not always be wanting in ours. Thofe, who think history becomes important in proportion to the fize of the country concerned, fhould confine themfelves to Audy the Afiatic empires, and leave real hiftory to thofe who know its nature. It is in minute history that we find that picture of human fociety which moft interefts the philofopher.

It is fufpected that a third reafon why the period preceding the Conqueft, by far the moft important of our hifLory, is neglected, originates from the writings of an English philofopher, Lord Bolingbroke. In his Letters on Hif tory, this writer confiders the early hif tory of any country as quite ufelefs, and regards the modern part, beginning at the Emperor Charles V. as alone worth tudy. This fuperficial opinion, of a once fashionable author, had perhaps great weight with thofe who knew not that it is impoffible to have any real knowledge of the modern hiftory of any country without beginning the ftudy at its fountains, in ancient events and manners. One might as well think of building a houfe by beginning at the garrets. Nay more, the foundation is not only to be begun at the proper place; but, as every part of the fuperfru&ure ultimately reits upon the foundation, this radical part must be examined with far more care and attention than any of the reft. Mr. Hume began his hiftory with the Stuarts, and fo wrote backwards. The confequence is, that he has quite miftaken the most

405

glaring features of our constitution, and carried the defpotifm of the Stuarts along with him through all our hiftory. Nor can any problem in mathematics be more certain than that it is impoffible either to write or read history properly by retrogreffion. The knowledge of the ancient part is not only necessary in itfelf, but neceffary to understand the modern. To a philofopher, the ancient part is the moft interefting, from the ftrong and uncommon views of human nature to be found in it. Nay, to a common reader it must be the most interefting, from the greatnefs and fingularity of its events. In early hiftory alone are found thofe great incidents, and total revolutions, which elevate and furprize. The modern hiftory of Eu→ rope confifts merely of wars which end in nothing, and in the filthy chicane of politics, lo difgufting to every ingenuous mind. Since the eleventh century, the feveral kingdoms and states of Europe remain almost the fame; and any radical revolutions which have happened might be comprized in a few pages. The period of great events begins at the fall of the Roman empire, and lafts till the eleventh century.

The History of England, excluding that of the Romans in Britain, falls in to two periods; from the arrival of the Saxons to the Conqueft; and from the Conqueft till now. Each period contains about feven centuries. In Greek or Roman hiftory, either period would occupy much about the fame room. But the proportion in ours is, that the former part fills half a volume; the latter, feven volumes and a half! In Mezeray, the part of French hiftory preceding the year 1056 fills two volumes and a half; that fucceeding, four volumes and a half. This latter proportion is fuperior to ours; and we might at least allot two volumes out of eight for the period preceding the Conqueft. As it is, every one may judge that the former period of our history must be miferably abridg ed indeed; and it is much to be withed that fome able writer would give us an hiftory of England preceding the Conqueft, at due length. Materials he will find not wanting, if he brings induftry to difcover and to use them.

PHILISTOR.

Mr. URBAN, Oxf Coll. Apr. 18. AS your Magazine is the best chan

nel to convey information, I take the liberty to trouble you with a few

lines, and I do not doubt but the greater part of your readers will congratulate themfelves upon receiving a piece of literary intelligence. A gentleman of this univerfity, already well known, at least to a few, for his affiduity and uncommon application in claffical learning, has now fome thoughts of compiling an univerfal index to all the Greek claffics. This intention he has communicated but to a few; but, as foon as he has finished a laborious work which at prefent employs his time, and which is expected with great impatience by his friends and the publick, I make no doubt but he will make his defign known, and, by pubJithing propofals, acquaint the friends of literature with the meatures which he means to purfue, and with the whole extent of the undertaking. It is unneceffary, and indeed it would be impertinence, to fay any thing concerning the utility of fuch work, but it must be the labour not of months, but of years. -I have only to with, that his plan, whenever it is made public, may meetwith the approbation of the learned, and find fupport and encouragement among the friends of literature and merit. I hope the information which I have communicated to you will be received with pleasure by your readers; and that those from whom patronage can be claimed, communications obtained, and encouragement granted, will not hefitate to protect and fupport an undertaking which nothing but labour and industry can accomplish, and which ought to be as warmly embraced by the opulent, the great, and powerful, as by him whose wifhes are good, but whofe influence among thousands is fmall and circumfcribed.

W.

DESCRIPTION OF THE OLD PARSONAGE HOUSE AT BEXLEY IN KENT;

From THORPE'S CUSTUMALE ROFFENSE. With Two Views, copied by Permifion

from that valuable Work.

HE parfonage-houfe ftood oppofite

and was one of the most ancient edifices of the kind in this diocefe. It doth not appear when it was erected; but, from the form and tvle of its architecture, was judged to have been in or about the time of Edward IV. It was built chiefly with chefnut, and confifted of many ftrong punchins with diagonal pieces of timber, and plaftered between.

In front there was a porch, which had a large door with a wicket, which opened to a court or small fquare. The principal entrance to the houfe was by an ancient door in the left wing to a cloifter-like paffage with ftrong perpendi cular open bars, which led to the hail, &c. and over the paffage was a gallery leading to the beft, or what was called the painted chamber, from the cicling ornamented with ftars. The door in the right wing led to the brewhouse, wafhhoufe, and other offices. The girders or main beams of the house were very large; and fome of them had an aftragal and hollow, clumfily worked with the chiffel and gouge, by way of ornament, fmall planes not being in ufe at that time; and the gable-ends of the house and porch were likewife orna mented with carved Gothic cornices of oak or chefnut. A fath-window bad been added to the parlour in the left wing fronting the church.

Having been many years occupied by poor families, and becoming ruinous, it was taken down by the prefent impropriatrix, in the year 1776; fince which time no other has been erected.

The two views here exhibited [Plates I. and II.] were drawn in 1767.

From the fame publication we fhall extract part of a letter from an ingenious naturalift to Mr. Thorpe on the fubject of the two fhells in our laft month's plate (fee p. 321.)

"Dartford, 08. 4, 1786.

"If you recollect, I mentioned my finding two kinds of turbines on the other fide of the hill farther on the Bettham-road, just descending from the top. I have sketched them here for your infpection. I have not duplicates of both, or would have presented them to you; that which I have fent for your acceptance is rather smaller than that which remains with me; the other I may get for you one time or other. I have had feveral, and have given many away. No 2. I feldom have feen larger, but many lefs; I may fay the fame of N° 1. The mouths of every one I have met with have been broken, and the apex not perfect by two or three fpires for the most part. I compare N 1. with the turbo terebra of Linnæus, p. 1239, No 645, which you may fee a figure of in Lifter, Conch. plate 191, N° 56, and in his Conch. Angl. t. 111. f. 8; alfo in Penn. Br. Zool. vol. IV. p. 130, N° 113.

"N° 2. feems to be figured in Lift. Conch. plate 122, N° 18, called by him buccinum fufcum, nodofis ftris diftinétum ; though in fome parts it more relembles No

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