The fuperior Confolations of Christianity exemplified. fphere. We should perceive no beauty in a calm fea, if we never experienced the horrors of a ftorm. It is the general intermixture of lands and waters, hills and vallies, plains and mountains, one with another, that creates a fine land 203 mourn, for they fhall be comforted;' that "ALL things work together for GOOD, to them that love GOD." Yours, &c. H. I. C. Mr. URBAN, Feb 6. scape in the prospect of any particular RESEARCHES into the obscure country and, in the extenfive furvey of the univerfe at large, it is the wonderful contrast of vaft deferts and peopled cities, of feas and islands, oceans and continents, which makes the world an admirable and ftupendous whole. In the fcale of beauty in animated nature, the graceful dignity of the human fhape rifes higher from a comparifon of that with the deformity of many other creatures: and if the whole race of mankind could be furveyed at once, perhaps from the very inequalities of complection and firength, of body and mind, of habits and manners, which are vifible in the feveral parts of the globe, the general fyftem of our fpecies would appear more excellent than if all men, and all ftates of men, had attained to the fame degree of perfection. Thus many things which, taken fingly, appear to a difadvantage, and are difagreeable, do yet, upon a relative view of them with other parts, or objects, or circumftances, with which they are connected, contribute to heighten fatisfaction. Let but this principle be applied to human life, and it will be no paradox to affert, that, from the variety of events, fome good and fome evil, which befall us, life ittelf is rendered more agreeable than it would be, did we experience no interchange of forrow with joy. That evils are worse in expectation than in feeling; that they tend to excite industry; that they humanize the difpofition; that they bring the mind to a right flate of recollection, and to new purposes of acting; these are truths fo obvious as to need no enlargement: one reflection, however, on the differ ent manner in which heathens and Chriftians confider afflictions, fhould not be omitted. The former, in their state of uncertainty concerning the foul's immortality and the attributes of the Deity, bewailed the afflictions of life as the greatest of evils: but Chriftians, who are affured of a future ftate, and have formed juft conceptions of God's providence, have a confolation which no philofophy could impart; they cherish a pious and firm hope, that "those who fow in tears, fhall reap in joy" that "bleffed are they who hiftory of parent nations, though not likely to have much influence on the fum of happiness, may, if they be conducted with a fpirit liberal as well as penetrative, reward the labours of the ftudent, and gratify those who by exercife have increafed and extended the energies of that curiofity which Nature has created in every bofom. But if the investigator of a fubject, fo diftant from the vulgar topics of malignity, purlue his enquiry with fpleen, and deliver his inftruction with contempt of those who are to receive it, there can be but little hope that the knowledge of Truth will be much propagated by his endeavour. This obfervation I hope to illuftrate by fome remarks upon a learned treatife lately published, under the title of "A Differtation on the Goths and Scythians," by Mr. Pinkerton, The fpiteful and unqualified invectives contained in this book against all the Gallic nations, I forbear to recite or refer to. Examples of fuch unac. countable enmity against to large a portion of the human race, and which has fo long ceafed to exift, may provoke merriment in the perufal, but are furely unworthy of a ferious difcuffion. fhall confine myself, therefore, to a notation of the effects of the author's enmity on his judgement. I Having fortified himself with the invincible axiom, that authorities are facts in hiftory; and recommended himfelf to the reader's veneration, by intimating the time and labour which he had devoted to the acquifition of materials for his book; he declares with defiance, by "the authority of Tacitus, Beda, and all Antiquity," that the Caledonii and Picti came originally from Germany, Scythia, and Scandi a via; that the Rouvaus were not a Gaelic, but a Gothic, people; that the natives of Cifalpine Gaul were not Celts, but German Gauls; that it is like a Celtic understanding to derive Latin from Celtic; that the Latin words found in this language were introduced by the clergy, and are relative only to religious things, or the arts of civil life wherewith the clergy made them acquainted, &c. &c. That these affertions are erroneous or falfe, it is my prefent purpose to fhew. Inftead then of adopting his fift principle, I fhall, without argument, controvert it by another, in which I fhall be followed by all thofe, at leaft, who have ever employed their intellects in abstract enquiries; and that is, that from all buman teftimony there is an appeal to reafon; and to reafon I am difpofed to appeal, from the authority of Tacitus, Beda, all antiquity, and Pinkerton. The rational admirers of Tacitus will not be difgufted at my obferving, that he reported of the natives of Caledonia more than he knew. He relied of neceflity upon the reprefentations of others, and gave mankind what information he could himfelf obtain of a few barbarians, in the moft remote corner of the known world, fecluded from obfervation by an impenetrable country, by a ferocious paflion for independence, by a deteftation of ftrangers, and who never met thofe who were to be their hiftorians but with menaces and hoftiIity. The increafe of civilifation and focial commerce, and the accidents of political connection, have rendered us as intimately acquainted with the defcendants of thofe men as with one ano. ther; and all the obfervation which fuch advantages afford us, demonftrates the circumstances' on which Tacitus grounds his opinion of their origin to be either falfe or futile. The affinity of their language to the Teutonic, their red hair, and tall figure, are the only adjuncts which perfuade the hiftorian, or his father-in law, from whom he derived his intelligence, that the Caledonians were a Teutonic race. That fome Teutonic words were adopted into their language, probably from their intercourfe with the nations of Scandinavia and the Cimbrian Cherfonefe, I do not deny, fince Our author himself is inclined to this opinion when it promotes his purpose; for, in p. 16, he obferves, that if errors be admitted into any branch of fcience, they commonly remain for centuries, owing to the indolence of mankind, who are ever ready to refign their minds to any guide; and would rather fleep and go wrong, than examine and go right; whereas they have only to trust themfelves more, and others lois." thofe fkilled in the Erfe find in it some yet remaining; as there are in the other Gaelic dialects, from fimilar causes. This circumftance might easily have seduced Agricola to indulge himfelf, as others have done, in forming hypothefes and conjectures not founded on facts; and to gratify his vanity by appearing the oracle of novel truth. Thus a modern dabbler in languages, having difcovered a few Phonician words in the Irish dialect, which had crept into it through commerce with thofe univerfal traders, in defiance of all moral, hiftorical, and phyfical evidence, afcribes to them the deriva tion of the Irish people. The truth is, the dialects of Ireland, of Wales, and of the Northern extremity of Scotland, however interpolated with foreign words, are fpecially the fame; Gaelic funda. mentally and in their firucture; as will be demonftrated to whomfoever will be at the pains of an examination. But of the people who are particularly the fubject of this difcuffion it may be further urged, that, were so much of their language Teutonic as to render its character ambiguous, yet the name whereby they have ever defignated themselves (Galls), and their country (Caledonia), might be deemed fufficient to determine the queftion. But fince other arguments are adduced, they alfo must be examined. Redness of hair is not peculiar to the Germans and Caledoniaus; it is common to all Northern nations; it is frequent among the indigenous people of Ireland and Wales; and it will not be faid that they are of Germanic race. But the Germans being the first reahaired men known to the Romans, they were thought, by the quacks of the time, to be the progenitors of all others of that defcription afterwards difcovered. What was the precife height of the Caledonians, at the time of the Ronen invafion, it would certainly now be very arrogant to pretend to determine; but it may be obferved, that the Romans frequently reprefented of gigantic ftature hoftile barbarians, who, once fubdued, appear to poffe's no remarkable quality. It is the practice of fear to magnify its object, and of vanity to report the delufion; and it is not improbable that, under the influence of thefe fentiments, their enemies contemplated "the free-born warriors, who started to arms at the voice of the King of Morven." Whatever was their confi guration, that of their pofterity has no Remarks on Pinkerton's "Differtation on the Goths," &c. 205 thing Germanic in its character; for them " mity to the univerfal practice of men in colonifing, have been tenacious of their own? But for Mr. Pinkerton there is the authority of Polybius, who teftifies, in the fecond book of his General History, that "the Cifalpine Gauls derive their origin from the common stock with the reft, and obtained that appellation from their fituation only; and that, when they were threatened with a war by the other Gallic nations, they pleaded confanguinity to avert it, and to engage their enemies to unite with them their arms against the Romans. I induce the foregoing arguments, only to fhew the folly of learning when it is mifapplied; and the citation, to demonftrate how a writer, when he has ftarted a fantastick fyftem, will trample on the rules which he has inftituted for his own government, as well as on reafon and analogy, in purfuit of the illufion. The neceffity of the whole is fuperfeded by the proof of the Latin being fundamentally a Gaelic dialect *. Mr. Pinkerton, though he affirms the Caledonians to be Goths, feems to allow that their language is Gaelic. This inconfiftency becomes more appa rent by his dogmatical affertion, that the few Latin words found in the Erfe were introduced in the middle ages by the minifters of religion. That the priests with new things introduced their names there can be no doubt; but that they prevailed upon a whole people to change the names of the great objects of Nature, nay of almost all fubitances and qualities, their familiar and houshold words, their radical verbs, and even the indeclinable parts of fpeech, is hardly to be admit ted. Yet it is well known to those acquainted with the Latin and Gaelic, that the most of thefe terms are common to both languages. I need not fay that, from the number of Greek colonies fettled in the Southern divifion of Italy, much of the foundation, as well as a greater part of the fabric, of the Roman * I am aware that the termination man, bomo, of the name Roman, indicates a Gothic or Scythic origin; fince the word is not only rally fed by them in the compofition of of the language of thefe nations, but is geneGentile names both in Afia and Europe; as Turkoman, Malman, Englishman, &c. It was, however, adopted by the Romans, as by many other Gaelic people, of whofe origin there is no queftion; as the Aurelani, imbiani, Sequant, and many others. language, I HAVE been your conftant reader about forty years, and now commence a correfpondent. If you think the contents of this letter worth inferting, I may, perhaps, take the liberty of addieffing you again upon fuch topics as may fall in my way. I am now induced to do it by a letter, figned a Sub-, fcriber, in your Supplement, p. 1155, refpecting Defoe's tranfactions with Alexander Selkirk, of whom, though little is there faid, yet it is fo vague and inaccurate, as to make me fufpect that the circumstances of his fingular adventure are much lefs known than is ufu ally fuppofed. What ftrengthens this fufpicion is, that, a fhort time fince, an impudent attempt was made, in a refpectable Evening Paper, to impofe upon the publick an ode, written by the ingenious Mr. Cowper, as an original compofition of Selkirk during his folitude. The person who attempted this literary cheat prefixed a fhort account of Selkirk, containing almoft as many errors as lines. This, is not wonderful; thofe who attempt to deceive are generally ignorant. The impofition was immediately detected, and properly expofed, but no notice taken of the mistakes in matter of fact. As this man's adventure was very remarkable and uncommon, I have thought it worth while to extract the following fummary of it from thofe original narratives which ftill exift, and fome of which are only to be found in books not very commonly to be met with. I beg leave to refer fuch of your readers, as may wish to confult them, to Funnell's "Voyage round the World," Woodes Rogers' "Voyage round the World," Edward Cooke's "Journal of Rogers' Voyage," and to N° XXVI of "The Englihan," by Sir Richard Steele. Alexander Selkirk was born at Largo, in the county of Fife, about the year 1676, and was bred a feaman. He went from England, in 1703, in the ea pacity of failing mafter of a small vessel called The Cinque Ports Galley, Charles Pickering, captain, burthen about 90 tons, with 16 guns and 63 men; and in September the fame year failed from Corke, in company with another ship, of 26 guns and 120 men, called the St. George, commanded by that famous navigator, William Dampier, intending to cruize on the Spaniards in the South Sea. On the coaft of Brazil, Pickering died, and was fucceeded in his command by his lieutenant, Thomas Stradling. They proceeded on their voyage round Cape Horn, to the island of Juan Fernandez, whence they were driven by the appearance of two French fhips, of 36 guns each, and left five of Stradling's men there on fhore, who were taken off by the French. Hence they failed to the coaft of America, where Dampier and Stradling quarrelled, and feparated by agreement, on the 19th of May, 1704. In September following, Stradling came again to the ifland of Juan Fernandez, where Selkirk and his captain had a difference, which, with the circumftance of the fhip's being very leaky, and in bad condition, induced him to determine on staying there alone; but when his companions were about to depart, his refolution was fhaken, and he defired to be taken on board again, Happily for him, the captain then refufed to admit him, and he was obliged to remain, having nothing but his cloaths, bedding, a gun, and a fmal! quantity of powder and ball; a hatchet, knife, and kettle; his books, and ma. thematical and nautical inftruments. He kept up his fpirits tolerably, till he faw the vessel put off, when (as he afterwards related) his heart yearned within him, and melted at parting with his comrades and all human fociety at once. Yet believe me, Arcas; " * fee a letter, dated Edinburgh, in the St. teer, Captain Stradling was fent a pri James's Chronicle. foner to Europe on board a French ship, and Selkirk's Way of Life in the Island of Juan Fernandes. and by that means got to England. Thus left fole monarch of the island, with plenty of the neceffaries of life, he found himself in a fituation hardly fupportable. He had fish, goat's flesh, turnips, and other vegetables; yet he grew dejected, languid, and melancholy, to fuch a degree, as to be scarce able to refrain from doing violence to himself. Eighteen months paffed before he could, by reafoning, reading his Bible, and ftudy, be thoroughly reconciled to his condition. At length he grew happy, employing himself in decorating his huts, chafing the goats, whom he equalled in speed, and fcarce ly ever failed of catching. He alfo tamed young kids, laming them to prevent their becoming wild; and he kept a guard of tame cats about him, to defend him when afleep from the rats, who were very troublefome. When his cloaths were worn out, he made others of goats skins, but could not fucceed in making fhoes, which, however, habit, in time, enabled him to difpenfe with the use of. His only liquor was water. He computed that he had caught 1000 goats during his abode there; of whom he had let go 500, after marking them by flitting their ears. Commodore Anfon's people, who were there about 30 years after, found the first goat, which they fhot upon landing, was thus marked, and, as it appeared to be very old, concluded that it had been under the power of Selkirk; but it appears by Capt. Carteret's account of his voyage in the Swallow floop, that other perfons practifed this mode of marking, as he found a goat with his ears thus fit on the neighbouring ifland of Mas-a-fuera, where Selkirk never was. He made companions of his tame goats and cats, often dancing and finging with them. Though he conftantly performed his devotions at ftated hours, and read aloud; yet, when he was taken off the inland, his language, from difufe of converfation, was become fcarcely intelligible. In this folitude he continued four years and four months, during which time only two incidents hap pened which he thought worth relating, the occurrences of every day being in his circumftances nearly fimilar. The one was, that, pursuing a goat eagerly, he caught it just on the edge of a precipice, which was covered with bushes, fo that he did not perceive it, and he fell over to the bottom, where he lay (according to Capt. Rogers's ac 207 count) 24 hours fenfelefs; but, as he related to Sir R. Steele, he computed, by the alteration of the moon, that he had lain three days. When he came to himself, he found the goat lying under him dead. It was with great diffi culty that he could crawl to his habitation, whence he was unable to ftir for ten days, and did not recover of his bruifes for a long time. The other event was, the arrival of a fhip, which he at firft fuppofed to be French and fuch is the natural love of society in the human mind, that he was eager to a bandon his folitary felicity, and furrender himself to them, although enemies; but, upon their landing, approaching them, he found them to be Spaniards, of whom he had too great a dread to trust himself in their hands. They were by this time fo near, that it required all his agility to escape, which he effected by climbing into a thick tree, being fhot at feveral times as he ran off. Fortunately, the Spaniards did not discover him, though they stayed fome time under the tree where he was hid, and killed fome goats juft by. In this folitude Selkirk remained until the 2d of February, 1709, when he saw two fhips come into the bay, and knew them to be English. He immediately lighted a fire as a fignal, and, on their coming on thore, found they were the Duke, Capt. Rogers, and the Dutchefs, Capt. Courtney, two privateers from Bristol. He gave them the best entertainment he could afford; and, as they had been a long time at fea without fresh provifions, the goats which he caught were highly acceptable. habitation, confifting of two huts, one to fleep in, the other to drefs his food in, was fo obfcurely fituated, and so difficult of accefs, that only one of the fhip's officers would accompany him to it. Dampier, who was pilot on board the Duke, and knew Selkirk very well, informed Capt. Rogers, that, when on board the Cinque Ports, he was the best feaman on board that veffel; upon which Capt. Rogers appointed him mafter's mate of the Duke. After a fortnight's ftay at Juan Fernandes, the fhips proceeded on their cruize against the Spaniards; plundered a town on the coaft of Peru; took a Manilla fhip off California; and returned by way of the Eaft Indies to England, where they arrived the 1st of October, 1711; Selkirk having been abfent eight years, more than half of which time he had spent alone His 申請 |