highness, that I was aftonished as much as if I had never before heard how great a performer he was.

After this, his highness and the court fupped in the fame great ball and public manner, in which they had dined. I went with.... Guadagni, and the rest of the principal performers, to make my court during the fupper. The elector was pleated to fpeak a confiderable time to Guadagni, concerning my future Hiftory of: Mulic; which encouraged me to defire him to entreat his highness, to honour me, with a piece of his compofition, as I had been informed by all the musicians of this place, that he had compofed feveral excellent things for the church, particularly, a Stabat Mater: he agreed to give me a Litany, provided I would not print it; but Guadagni quite teazed him to let me have the Stabat Mater, as he faid, it was the best of all his musical productions, and even a promite of this was granted, before my departure.

The lords in waiting offered us refreshments; and the elector condefcended to afk Guadagni, if he gave a fupper to the Englishman, and his other company meaning Panzachi, Rauzzini, and Naumann; be anfwered, that he fhould give us bread and cheese, and a glass of wine Here, cried the elector, emptying two difhes of game on a plate, fend that to your apartments." His highnels was implicitly obeyed. We fupped together, after which I returned to Munich, abundantly flattered and fatisfied with the events of the day.

MUNICH. To day, Thursday, I had the honour of dining with M de Vilme, who after dinner, was fo kind as to go with me to the Jefuits college, where I had a very particular enquiry to make, which not only concerned the History of Music, but its present itate. In my progrefs through Germany, I had frequently heard mufic performed in the churches, and streets by poor scholars, as they were always called but never could make out how, or by whom they were taught, till my arrival here. M. de Vifme, who neglected to inform me of nothing, which in the leaft related to my design, told me, that there was a mufic fchool at the Jefuits college. This awakened my curiofity, and made me fufpect, that it was a kind of confervatorio; and, upon a more minute enquiry, I found, that the poor Jcholars whom I had heard fing, in fo inany different parts of Germany, had been taught, in each place, where the Ro man catholic religion prevailed, at the Jefuits college; and, fur, ther, I was informed, that in all the towns throughout the empire, where the Jefuits have a church or college, young perfons are, taught to play upon mufical inftruments, and to fing. Many muficians have been brought up here, who afterwards have rendered themfelves eminent. This will, in fome measure account for the great number of musicians with which Germany abounds, as well as for the national tafte and paffion for mufic.

The mufic school in Munich takes in eighty children, at about eleven or twelve years old; they are taught mufic, reading, and writing, and are boarded, but not cloathed A Jefuit, to whom

we applied for information, promised to write down, in Latin, an account of this foundation, as far as it might be neceffary to the Hiftory of Mufic in Germany, and fend it to M. de Vilme next day, and he kept his word. The boys that are admitted here, in order to be taught music, muft play upon fome inftrument, or know fomething of the art, to qualify them for admittance. They are kept in the college till twenty years of age; and, during the time

of

of their refidence there, they are taught by masters of the town, not by the Jefuits themselves.'

The following day the doctor left Munich. His account of the paffage from that city to Vienna down the greatest river of Europe, is of so fingular a nature, and describes a way of travelling by water fo new to Englishmen, that our readers, we believe, would be content to exchange for a while the melody of Munich for the roaring of the Danube, and the winds from the mountains; but as there is no abridging this part, without a manifelt injury to the author and the reader, and the article is already extended to a confiderable length, we must poftpone our account of this elegant work to our next Number, [To be continued.]

VII. The Anglo Saxon Version, from the Hiflorian Orofius. By Alfred the Great. Together with an English Tranflation from the Anglo-Saxon. 8vo. 61. boards. Baker and Leigh.

S Orofius is a writer, whofe works are not very common in modern libraries, it may not be amifs to mention two or three circumftances relative to his life, and the history which is faid to have been tranflated by king Alfred.

He was a prefbyter of Tarragon in Spain, and a difciple of St. Auftin. When the Goths, under the conduct of Alaric, about the year 411, made the moft horrible devaftations in Italy, the pagans attributed these calamities to the neglect of their own religious rites, and the toleration, prevalence, and encouragement of Christianity. To obviate this groundless and unmerited reflection Orofius, at the request of St. Austin, wrote feven books of hiftory, in which he demonstrates, that from the creation of the world to that time (which, according to his computation makes a period of 5618+ years) there were continual, and fometimes more deftructive calamities in various parts of the earth.

Orofius wrote about the year after Chrift 416; but how long he lived afterwards, we are not informed.

This author, as it might be expected from a Spaniard, writes in a harsh and turgid ftyle. He is alfo cenfured by Voffius, Scaliger, and others, for his ignorance of the Greek language, for adopting vulgar opinions, and for many chronological mistakes ‡. Yet he has thrown together, in a small

* Præfentia tempora, velut malis extra folitum infeftiffima, ob hoc folum, quòd creditur Chriftus, & colitur Deus, idola autem minus coluntur, infamant. Orofii Pref.

+ About 4414.

Voff. de Hift. Lat. 1. ii. c. 14. Scal. in Animadv. Eufebianis.

epitome,

epitome, abundance of curious and ufeful information. As he flourished about the beginning of the fifth century, he had an opportunity of confulting many writers, whofe works are now imperfect, or entirely loft. Among thefe he particularly cites Trogus Pompeius, Juftin, Livy, Polybius, Antias *, Claudius, &c.

Bale, in his biographical work, De Scriptoribus Britannia, calls this hiftory, HORMESTA Pauli Orofit. This title, we are told, is prefixed to it in feveral manuscripts; and in this publication it is made ufe of as the running-title to the AngloSaxon verfion. Bonifacius de Rom. Hift. Scriptoribus, c. 31. imagines, that Ormefta may poffibly be a corruption of the words. Orbis Mæftutia abbreviated; or rather Or. m. ifta, i. e. Orofii Mundi hiftoria. They who choose to fee other conjectures about it may confult the writers mentioned below in the note. We entirely agree with Cave, who fays of it, divinare facilius eft, quàm certi aliquid ftatuere §. It is most probable, that it was occafioned by the ignorance of one of the first copiers, and afterwards implicitly adopted by others.-Having faid thus much with regard to Orofius, we shall state what may seem to be material, in relation to the Anglo-Saxon verfion of this hiftorian.

It is faid to have been written by king Alfred: and the English translator endeavours to fupport this opinion.

For this purpofe, he refers the reader to several writers, who ascribe this tranflation to king Alfred., His authorities are included in the following note.

See Appendix, N° 1. to the Latin translation of Sir John Spelman's Life of Alfred, who cites Camden as of this opinion; fee alfo the Teftimonia authorum, prefixed to Rawlinfon's edition of Alfred's Anglo Saxon Verfion of Boethius, who refers to Will. Malmeb de Geftis Regum Angliæ, L. ii. c. 4.-Francifcus Junius, in Anglo-Saxonicis Monumenti Gloffario Gothico præmiffis-Leland de Viris illuftribus MS. p. 14. who fays, it was the opinion of many, that Ælfred made this tranflation; which paffage I have found in the late edition of Leland's Collectanea, vol. iv. p. 251. with the additional circumftance of Talebote's concurring with him. "Mr. Taiebote made this annotation in the front of Orofius's Hiftorie, which he lent me, tranflated out of Latine into the Saxon

• Equalis Sifennæ Rutilius, Claudiufque Quadrigarius, et Vale. rius Antias. Vell. Patercul. I. ii. § 9. Thefe writers lived in the time of Marius and Sylla.

+ Cent. 2. c. 26.

Voffius de Hift. Lat. I. ii. c. 14. Sandii Notæ ad Voff. p. 249. Fabricii Bib. Lat. Cangii Gloffar. Barthii Adverfar. Bongarfii Præf. ad Gefta Dei per Francos. Cafaub. in Exercit. p. 85. Reinefii Var. Lect. p. 386. Olearius, p. 359, &c. &c.

Hift. Lit. de P, Orofio.

tongue,

tongue, Rex Alfredus interpretatus eft Orofium, & Boethium, & Bédam de Hiftoria ecclefiaftica Anglorum." To thefe I may likewife add, the more modern opinions of Wanley, Elitob, Lye, and Ballard, two of which (viz. Elftob and Ballard) had tranfcribed the whole of this Anglo-Saxon version.'

We fhall confider the fource of thefe authorities.

William of Malmefbury fays: Plurimam partem Romanæ Bibliothecæ Anglorum auiibus dedit, opimam prædam peregrinarum mercium civium ufibus convectans; cujus præcipuè funt libri Orofius, Paftorale Gregorii, Gefa Anglorum Bedæ, Boetius de Confolatione Philo ophiæ, liber proprius, quem patriâ linguâ handboe, id eft, manualem librum appellavit. This is the moft material authority we meet with.-Ethelwerd 'fays in general terms: Ex Latino rhetorico fafmate in propriam verterat linguam volumina, numero ignoto, ita variè, ita præoptimè, ut non tantum expertioribus, fed et audienti'bus liber Boetii lachrymofos quodammodò fufcitaret motus +.' Polydore Vergil fays: Ita do&tus evafit, ut divi Gregorii dialógos, opus Boetii de Confolatione Philofophiæ, & Pfalmos David ex Latino in patriam fermonem verteret. ... Licèt dialogos et Boetii opus quidam tradant ejus rogatu, Verefredum ‡, antiftitem Vigornienfem, tranftuliffe. Pfalmos, morte intercedente, non omnes omninò interpretatus eft .'

Bale fpeaks of king Alfred as an excellent grammarian, philofopher, rhetorician, hiftorian, mufician, poet, architect, geometrician, &c. In a word, he makes him a moft accomplifhed and voluminous writer, exhibiting the titles of eighteen different books, on various fubjects, which he fays he compofed, befides the tranflation of Orofius §. Pits's catalogue of Alfred's writings is the fame with that of Bale.

Thefe are the principal authorities in favour of our tranf lator's opinion; on which we may obferve, 1. That William of Malmesbury, the best of these authorities, wrote 230 years after the death of Alfred ; 2. That nothing can be collected relative to the tranflation of Orofius from the words of Ethelwerd; 3. That Polydore Vergil takes no notice of Alfred's tranflating Orofius; nay, he obferves, that fome writers afcribed the tranflation of Gregory's Dialogues and Boetius to Verefred; and laftly, That Bale is notorious for con

*Malmefb. 1. ii. c. 4.

Ethelw. Chron, 1. iv. c. 3.

Pol, Verg. 1. v. p. 138. Ed. Thyfi, 1651. § Tranftulit in linguam Anglicam Hormeltam Pauli Orofii. Balæus de Script. Brit. Cent. ii. c. 26.

Alfred died A. D. 901. Will, of Malmefb. flourished about the year 1330.

tinually

tinually multiplying the writings of all his authors, at a very unfufferable and unjustifiable rate; and Pits implicitly follows his example.

It is obfervable, that neither Afferius Menevenfis, Ethelwerd, Ingulph, Florence of Worcester, Simeon Dunelmenfis, Henry of Huntingdon, Ailredus Rievallenfis, Radulphus de Diceto, John Brompton, Roger Hoveden, Matthew of Weftminster, nor Polydore Virgil, who fpeak of the virtues and talents of king Alfred, fay one fyllable of his verfion of Orofius. So that William of Malmesbury's affertion is unfupported (as far as we know) by any one of our ancient hiftorians. The filence of Affer on this point is the more remarkable, as he was Alfred's instructor, and wrote a panegyrical account of his life. Leland, whofe judgment in these matters is unquéftionable, fpeaks of Alfred's tranflations in these very doubtful terms: NEC DESUNT, qui prædicent eum Orofium, Boetium de Confolatione Philofophiæ, denique et Anglicam Hiftoriam à Bedâ Latinè fcriptam, in linguam tranftuliffe Saxonicam †."

But, fays the present tranflator, this king was the fan of Æthelwulf, who was a priest, and subdean of Winchester, before he was crowned; he, therefore, may probably be supposed to have had at least the common learning of the times, which was then confined entirely to the clergy.

Ethelwulf, being hence determined to give his fon the fame education, fent him, whilft but five years old, with an honourable at tendance to Rome, where he continued for four years, and being only the fifth fon of his father, it could fcarcely have been expected he should have fucceeded to the throne.

The inference I would draw from this, is, that Ælfred was probably educated with a view to his obtaining fome of the great dignities of the church, rather than a kingdom; and that he confequently received the inftructions proper for the profession which he was intended to embrace.'

Before we lav too much ftrefs on this remark, let us attend to the following paffages in Affer. Proh dolor! indignâ suɔrum parentum et nutritorum incuriâ, ufque ad duodecimum ætatis annum, aut eo amplius, illiteratus permanfit ‡.' And afterwards, in the account of his thirty-fixth year, he oblerves, that the learned men, whom he retained in his palace, ufed to read to him; by which means, fays he, • Pene omnium librorum notitiam habebat, quamvis per feipfum aliquid adbuc de libris intelligere non poffet; non enim adhuc aliquid legere inceperat. §'

See Nich. Eng. Hift. Lib. Part ii. c. 8. and a notorious inftance of what is afferted above, mentioned by Wharton, Ang. Sac, Vol. ii. Præf. p. 29.

+ Lelandi Comment. de Script. Brit. c. 115.

De Reb. Geft. Ælfredi, p. 16.

§ Ibid. p. 46.

From