pied from old, Latin records, has an English translation annexed, which ferves to fwell the volume.

Our author, having quoted Verftegan and Spelman concerning the ranks and degrees into: which the ancient Saxons were divided, takes occafion to copy fome depofitions relative to the lord of a manor's claiming fome perfons as his bondmen for being the grandfons of one who had been formerly a bondman on the fame manor. As thefe depofitions are a curiosity, we shall transcribe one of them.t

To all Crysten pepyll to whom thes present wrytyng fhall, come. Syr John Pafton, knyght, Henry Wylton, gentylman, alderman of Norwich, of the age-of Lxxx and 11 yerys and more, Robert Pynghmore of Norwich, agentylman, Robert Whynbergh of the fame, gentylman of the age of Lx yerys and more, John Bumpftede of Bylokby, gentylman, of the age of LXVIII yerys, John Peers of Yermouth, merchaunte, of the age of LXXX yerys Water Lemyngton of Fylbys gentylman, of the age of xxvi yerys, Thomas Pallyng of Clyppyby, yomon, of the age of sixx11 yerys, Water Hawe of the age of Lxxx yerys and more, Thomas Ramage of Hemefby, of the age of LXXXVI yerys, John Wryght of Heynford of the age of LXXX yerys, and Nicolas Peytewyn of Fylby, of the age of Lx yerys, and more, fend greeting. Whereas Syr Edmond Jeuney, knyght, and John Groce; efquyer, now poffeffours of the måner of Sloley, as we understand, of late have made cleyme to Robert Ufford, fotherwyfe cally'd Robert Galte of Clyppelby, John Ufford, otherwyfe called John Galte, of the fame town, Thomas Ufford, otherwyfe cally'd Thomas Galte, of Vermouth, and Peers Ufford, otherwyfe call'd Peers Galte, of Norwich, fones to one Robert Ufford, otherwise called Robert Galte of Clyppesby, to be of satyle and fervyle condicion regardaant to the faid maner of Sloley; and for as moche as it is meretory to teftyfye and declare the trougthe, we the feid Syr John Pafton, Henry Wylton, Robert Pynchemore, Robert Whynberg, John Bumpftede, John Peers, Water Lemyngton, Thomas Pallyng, Water Hawe, Thomas Ramage, John Wryght, and Nicholas Peytewyn, teftefye for very troughte, that about the vith yere of the reyne of kyng Henry the with, on Peers Galte and: oy ¡Emme Ufford thanne beyng fervantes in howfold together, with Olyver Groos, at Sloley, efquyer, thanne lord of the! feid maner of Sloley, the fame Peers Galte begate the faid „zið nú var di bafósiles

*

૦૩૨૩

One who had charge to do all base services within the mas nour,&c.

Emme

Emme with chylde, they both being on marryed, and for that cause the feid Emme, felynge hyr felff with chylde, fed from Sloley to Heynford Parfonage, and there was delyvered ; Syr Robert Pynchemore, to whom the feid Emme was of Kynt drede, thanne beynge parfon there, was godfadyr to the fame... chylde, and named hym Robert; wich Robert was fadyr to the faid Robert Ufford and John Ufford of Clyppyby, Thomas Ufford of Yermouth, and Peers Ufford of Norwich, which mater we have as well knowe by the opyn and comon voyfe of the cuntre, as by reporte of maney credybyll perfonys;: and alfo we have weele knowe that the feid Robert Ufford, fone to the feid Emme Ufford, and fadyr to the feid Robert, John, Thomas, and Peers, was and hathe be ever reported: and reputed for a baftarde born in the manere aforfeyed.'

Two other depofitions are added, in teftimony of the fame matter after which is fubjoined the following declaramatter; after 25

tion,

And we the feid Syr Edmond Jenney, knyght, and John, Groos, efquyer, now sealy'd and poffeffy'd of the maner of Sfoley, in Confydyracion that we verely understand these teste fyeng sand depoficions affore reherfy'd to be gode and trewe, to whom we gyffe our feythfull credens, as it becometh us of ryght in favyng of our confcyence, refufyng all our forefeyd cleyme, repute, accepte, afferme, and declare the forefeyed Robert Ufford the fadyr, fone to the feid Emme Ufford, to be baftard Borne, in the maner and form aforefeld, and alfo the forefeid Robert Ufford, othyrwyfe cally'd Robert Galte, now of Clypylby, John Efford, otherwyfe cally'd John Galte, of the fame towne, Thomas Ufford, otherwyfe cally'd Thomas Galte, of Yermouth, and Peers Ufford, othyrwife cally'd Peers Galte, of Norwich, fones to the feid Robert Ufford, the fadyr, and all the yflue of the fame Robert Ufford the fadyr, to be free, and of free condicion for ever more, In witneffe whereoff to thefe prefentes we have fette, our feales the xiith day of Jas nuary, in the xviiith yere aforefeid. And for as moche asour feales to many be unknowe, we have made request to the ryght reverend fadyr in God, my lord of Norwich, to teftefye thefe premyffes under his feale,'

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And we Richard, by the grace of God bishop of Nor wich, at the request and defyr of the feid Syr Edmond Jenney, knyght, and John Groos, wytneffyng the feid depoficions be fore us, by them pleynly declared; to thefe prefentes, have fet Our ur feal the xxth day of January in the xviith yere of kyng Henry owed their freedom to their grandmother's difhonefty; for had the been married to Peers

Thefe good folks

Galte,

Galte, they would have been flaves, though fhe was. always. free.

There is an error in the dates of thefe papers; but whether it be the author's, or not, we cannot determine. The depofitions are dated on different days in December in the 18th year of Henry VII. the declaration which follows them is dated January 12, and the atteftation of it by the bishop of Norwich is dated January 20, yet both of them are also said to be in the aforefaid 18th year of king Henry VII.

We are aftonished that in an age fo enlightened as theprefent, in which the kind of flavery just mentioned is looked on with abhorrence, a ftill worfe degree of it keeps its ground; we mean that of the Negroes in our colonies, who are carried from their own countries, where they enjoyed liberty in its greatest extent, to be flaves for life to fevere tafkmafters.

In defence and in illuftration of the particulars mentioned in-the course of the work, our author has in his notes copied a great variety of charters, records, &c. thefe will undoubtedly be highly acceptable to thofe who defire a thorough in-formation of what concerns the town of Yarmouth, by whom the whole work, as its narrative is regular and diftinét, cannot but be looked on in a favourable light.

XI. Narrative of the Mutiny of the Officers of the Army in Bengal, in the Year 1766. Written by Henry Strachey, Efq. Secretary: to Lord Clive during his laft Expedition to India, and lately given in Evidence to the Secret Committee of the House of Commons. Svo. 3. 6d. Becket.

Nacquainted as we are with those intricate connexions and

invisible springs which give motion to the machine of Late-policy, we are inclined to regard this publication of the fecret committee as an expiatory offering to offended juftice. Repeated attempts having been made in the houfe of commons to ruin the fame and fortune of one of the most distinguished characters in this country; it reflects honour on the impartiality of the committee, that they exhibit in their laft report an authentic narrative of a very important transaction in lord Clive's government, scarce known to the public; willing, as it would feem, to establish that noble lord's reputation beyond the power of detraction.

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Hiftory cannot produce a more fingular event than the general mutiny of the officers in Bengal. In the heart of a great empire, held in fubjection by a handful of British fub

jects,

jeas, hedged in upon every fide by doubtful friends or fufpect ed enemies; difcontents alfo prevailing in the civil adminif tration, we here see almost the whole military power combined to difpute the authority of government, or rather to diftrefs the governor. Fortune had often before prepared for lord Clive very extraordinary occafions of fignalizing the greatest courage and capacity. She now produced this further oppor tunity for the exercife of vigour and conftancy, as a proof that the genius of her favourite could rife fuperior to every danger and difficulty. An impeachment of his conduct was prepared with all the fophiftry of law, the bitterness of resentment, and malignity of envy. He combated his enemies with their own weapons, aftonished the house of commons with uncommon powers of elocution, and completing the measure of his own fame, overwhelmed in shame and disgrace the contrivers of a plot to deftroy his reputation and fortune. S.It appears to us that the fecret committee were ftruck with' the very extraordinary nature of the event recorded in this narrative, as well as the candour, good sense, and moderation of the writer; fince they have fwelled their laft report far be yond the usual measure, to give room for a transaction foreign to their profeffed defign. Mr. Strachey, who had acted in the capacity of fecretary to lord Clive in India, being called by the commitee to give evidence refpecting the mutiny, delivered in this narrative, which would feem from circumstances to have been written at the time. Why it was fo long withheld from the public, muft, we conjecture, have proceeded from that gentleman's tendernefs for individuals, and a diffidence of his own talents; unleís, perhaps, he wished to fet an example to the hafty writers of the prefent times, of implicit obedience to that precept of the Roman poet, nonum prematur in annum. Whatever were his motives for this delay, certain we are, that readers of taste and judgment will thank the fecret committee for enlivening their dry mercantile refearches, with an elegant little composition, replete with entertainment. Nothing, indeed, can be more dispassionate than the manner of our writer, who relates facts with the naked fimplicity of truth, ftudioufly avoiding every expreffion which' might inflame the paffions of his readers against the delin-. quents; and candidly affigning, to the members of administration their full fhare of merit, in the fpirited fupport given to the governor.

When lord Clive, in the year 1764, undertook, at the folicitation of the Eaft, India company, to reform many grievous, abufes which had taken deep root in the fettlement of Bengal,

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a reduc

a reduction of military expences was a principal object with the directors. They gave his lordship particular and positive inftructions to attempt ftriking off an extraordinary allowance called double batta, which had long been enjoyed by the offcers on the Bengal establishment. Repeated orders to the fame effect were before iffued to preceding governors; but ei ther the times would not admit of the experiment, or their refolution yielded to the remonftrances of the army. Lord Clive faw the neceffity of the meafure, lefs with a view of fav ing to the company, than of establishing the authority of the council, and correcting a diffolute fpirit and profligacy of manners, incompatible with military order and difcipline. Mr. Strachey's own words, in the opening of the narrative, fully explain the fituation of things and nature of the proposed reduction.

It is many years fince the Eaft-India company, in confideration of the extraordinary expences and inconveniencies unavoidably in curred during the campaigns in that country, indulged the officers in their fervice with a certain allowance per diem, exclufive of their pay. This allowance originally went, and ftill goes by the name of "batta," or field expences.

When the English forces took the field, in conjunction with the nabob Jaffier Ally Cawn, after the battle of Plaffey, our mili tary expences were, agreeably to treaty, defrayed by his excellency, who likewife thought proper to encrease the emoluments of the of ficers, by granting them a double allowance, which of courfe obtained the name of " double batta;" and lord Clive, at that time, in order that the gentlemen fhould not too confidently depend up on upon the continuance of this new bounty, reprefented to them, that it was merely a temporary indulgence of the nabob, an indulgence not enjoyed by our officers in any other part of India, and could only continue to thofe in Bengal during his excellency's pleafure. The expence of this double batta however, though firft introduced and paid by Jaffier Ally Cawn, was, in process of time, thrown upon the company; who, unwilling to adopt such an expenfive precedent, notwithstanding the revenues of several diftricts of lands had been affigned over by the nabob to the company for defraying the charges of the army, repeatedly iffued orders, in the moft pofitive terms, that it fhould be abolished. But the fituation of their military and political affairs in Bengal was fo frequently critical, and the fuperior fervants in the civil branch fo averfe, perhaps through want of refolution, to abridge the officers of any emolument, that a remonftrance from the army never failed to convince the governor and council of the impropriety of fuch a reduc tion. It must be remembered, that the accomplishing this business was one of the principal points of reformation preffed upon lord Clive in the year 1764, when, at the request of a general court of proprietors of Eaft India ftock, he was prevailed upon to accept once more the government of Bengal. With refolution and difintereftedness he fteadily pursued, from the hour of his arrival at Cale cutta, fuch measures as feemed best calculated to effect the great pur.

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