Now, if this be accepted, I expect that this should rather faci litate than retard the fettling of civil matters, giving you power to make use of these, as you shall judge beft for that peaceable end for which all good men defire.

• The Bishops of London and Salisbury to his Majefty.

May it please your majesty,

In obedience to your majefty's command, we have advised upon this Propofition, and your majefty's doubts arifing thereon. And attending to our duty and your majefty's ftrict charge laid upon us, we fhall deliver our opinions, and the fenfe we have of it, plainly and freely, to the best of our understandings; nor fhall we fail in point of fidelity, however we inay in judgment.

The doubt is touching the lawfulness of a temporáry compliance in matters of religion, in the ftate they now here stand; that is, as we apprehend it, whether your majefty may, without breach of your oath, and with a fafe confcience, permit for fome time the exercife of the directory for worship, and practice of difcipline, as they are now ufed and ftand enjoined by ordinance.

For refolution whereof, we fhall take the boldness to make use of thofe grounds which we find laid down to our hands in your majefty's directions. For your majesty's conftancy and fixednels of refolution not to recede from what you have by oath undertaken in that matter, as it gives you a great latitude to walk in, with fafety of confcience in your endeavours to that end (the rectitude of intention abating much of the obliquity in all actions) fo the full expreffions you have been now pleafed to make of it, and, that what you propofe at prefent is in ordine thereunto, doth much facilitate the work, and fit us for a refolution.

Taking therefore your majefty's fettled determination touching the church for a foundation unremoveable, and this propofition (in your majefty's defign) as a means fubfervient thereunto confidering alfo the condition your majefty's affairs now ftand in, being deftitute of all means compulfory, or of regaining what is loft by force; we cannot conceive in this your majesty's condefcenfion any violation of that oath, whereof your majesty is fo juftly tender, but that your majesty doth hereby still continue to preferve and protect the church by the best ways and means you have now left you (which is all the oath can be supposed to require); and that the permiffion hereby intended (whereby, in fome mens ap. prehenfions, your majefty may seem to throw down what you defire to build up) is not only levelled to that end, but, as your majelty ftands perfuaded, probably fitted for the effecting it in fome mea fure.

And as your majefty will ftand clear (in our judgments, at leaft) in refpect of your oath, which is principally to be regarded, fo neither do we think your majesty will herein trefpafs in point of confcience; because your majefty finding them already fettled, and as it were in poffeffion, do only, what in other cafes is usual, not disturb that poffeffion while the differences are in hearing, or (which is more juftifiable) permit that which you cannot hinder, if you would; not commanding it (for that may vary the cafe) but (which poffibly may be better liked) leaving it upon that foot it now ftands, enjoined by the authority of the houíes, which is found ftrong enough to enforce the obedience. Which intendment of your majefty would stand more clear, if this point of a temporary toleration were not laid as the principle of the propofition (as now

it may feem to be ftanding in the front), but as an acceffory and neceffary conceffion for the more peaceable proceeding in the bufinefs. The first part therefore in the Propofition might be, for the accommodation of differences by a debate between parties (as it lies in the Propofition), and then, that, during that debate all things remain ftatu quo nunc without any interruption or disturbance from your majefty, provided the debate determine and a settlement be made within fuch a time, &c. and that your majesty and your household, in the interim, be not hindered, &c. which notwith ftanding we humbly submit to your majefty's better judgment to alter or not.

We cannot but have a lively fenfe of the great troubles your majesty undergoes, and doubt not but that God who hath hitherto given you patience in them, will blefs you with a deliverance out of them in due time, and make the event of your conftant endeavours answerable to the integrity of your majesty's heart; which is the prayer of your majesty's

Fulham, 14 Oct. 1646.

moft obedient and humble Servants

GUIL. LONDON. BR. SARUM. The answer from the bishops to his majesty is dated from Fulham, Oct. 14, 1645; and on the 16th of the fame month, which was before he could have received it, he writes to the queen from Newcastle on the fame interesting subject of the Propofitions. As this letter fhews not only the principle of honour on which his majesty acted, but also presents us with the warmeft declaration of his conjugal affection, we shall lay. it before our readers as a specimen of the epiftolary corref pondence which fubfifted between this unfortunate monarch and his royal confort during these disastrous times.

• Deare hart,

Newcaftell, Fryday, 16 Oct. 1646.

As I know thou canst not dout of my perfect reall and unchangeable love to thee, and that there is no earthly thing I study more (indeed none fo much) then thy contentment (for it must always retourne to me with intereft); fo it would intollerably ad to my afflictions if thou should not be fatisfied with that account which Davenant and theafe inclofed copies will give thee. Nor I cannot doute but thou will, when thou confiders that if I fhould forfake my owen confcience, I cannot be true to or worthy of thee. Nor fhould I forgive myself, if by a misinformed or traitlaced confcience, I fhould prejudice thy juft ends. Wherfor I affeure thee that the abfolute eftablishing of Presbiteriall governement would make me but a titulary king. And that this is fo, both the Wills, Davenant and Murray, confeffes; but then they fay, that a present abfolut conceffion is the only way to reduce the governement, as I would have it. But I hope that this argument will not be judged fufficient by 385 and 386. for they confefs that a flower of the crowne, once given away by act of parlament, is not reducible. And if the fupremacy in church affaires be not, I know not what is. For thou must understand that (which I finde cleerly mistaken by all you in France) the difference between the two goverpements (Epifcopal and Prefbiterian) is one of the least differences now among us, even in points of religion. For under the pretence of a thorough reformation (as they call it) they intend to take away all the

power

power of the ecclefiaftical governement from the crowne, and place it in the two houfes of parlament. Befides they will introduce that doctrine which teaches rebellion to be lawfull, and that the fupreame power is in the people; to whom kings (as they say) ought to give account, and be corrected, if they do amifs.

This, I am confident, will fatisfy thee that I have reafon (befides that great argument of conscience) to endure all extreamities, rather than to fuffer by my confent the abfolute eftablishing of that governement, which brings along with it fuch great ruinous mifchefes. And certainly if the Scots will be content with any thing less then the diftruction of the effentialls of monarchy, I have done that which must content them, and make them declare for me, in cafe my offers fhould be rejected at London, which 1 expect. Thus I hope (whatfoever becomes of me) to have this comfort, that I fhall not in any kynde be leffened in thy opinion, which is the only thing that can make him truly miferable, who is eternally Thyne.'

We do not find, by any pofitive declaration in these papers, what influence the opinion of the bishops had upon his majefty's mind; but in a letter which he difpatches to the queen, the 21ft of November, he affirms, that his three years conceffion of Prefbyterial government proceeded chiefly from a defire of affording her fatisfaction. For,' fays he, nether was it extorted from me by importunity, or fynding out the discovery of a new neceffety; nor have I thereby any whit abandoned the great and not to be forfaken argument of my confcience. For, upon my faith to thee, my earnest defire of giving thee fatisfaction was the cheefe, I may fay only, cause that made me fynde out this way; to fhow thee, and, as I thought, demonstratively, that the Scots will not joyne, with me but upon fuch conditions as are deftructive to monarchy.'

It would be uncandid either to question his majesty's fince-, rity in this declaration, or condemn his facility in facrificing an object of fo much public confequence to the inclination of the queen. The whole of his letters authorife us to conclude, that he never entertained hopes of any falutary effect from the conceffion to the prefbyterians, and in fuch a fituation, it could not be unjuftifiable to confult the difpofitions of a confort, not only endeared to him by the tenderet affection, but whofe happiness was fo much interested in his compliance; efpecially when his conduct coincided with the warmeft requests, and reiterated declarations of all with whom he advised.

The various letters that pafs between the king and his correfpondents, relate chiefly to the propofitions of the Prefby-' terians; the most important transaction in the period to which this volume refers. The temper of Charles I. is more clearly delineated by these papers, than by any work hitherto pub

lifhed;

lished and whatever idea may be entertained refpecting the political foundation of the principles which governed his public conduct, it must be acknowledged, that the rectitude of his intentions receives great confirmation from the materials with which we are here prefented. At the fame time, that these papers place the character of that unfortunate monarch in an amiable light, the multiplicity of bufinefs which they discover that he tranfaced in perfon, unaffififted by any fecretary, and labouring under a variety of public and private cares, evince him to have poffeffed more eminent abilities and strength of mind, than has been generally admitted by historians.

[To be concluded in our next. ]

II. Fundamenta Entomologiæ: or, an Introduction to the Knowledge of Infects. Being a Tranflation of the Fundamenta Entomologia of Linnæus, farther illuftrated with Copper Plates and Additions. By W. Curtis, Apothecary. 8vo. 3. White.

WE

E are here presented with the verfion of a finall treatise on infects, written originally by Andrew John Bladh, a pupil of Linnæus, and published in the feventh volume of that celebrated author's Amœnitates Academicæ. Mr. Curtis acquaints us, that the pleasure he received from Mr. Bladh's performance, with the hopes of facilitating the knowledge of infects, and rendering that study more general, were the motives which induced him to this tranflation. For answering thefe laudable purposes, he has undoubtedly made choice of a very proper author, whofe defcriptions are generally accurate; and Mr. Curtis himself, by the two copper plates, and other illustrations he has added to the verfion, has not little increafed the utility of which the treatise may be productive.

We fhall lay before our readers the general description of infects, as contained in the feventh and fuch a part of the eighth section, as may be understood without referring to the plates.

Whoever is defirous of attaining a fyftematic knowledge of infects ought primarily to be folicitous about acquiring the terms made use of in the fcience, that fo he may be able rightly to denominate every part of an infect. This then, as the first rudiments of the fcience, we fhall begin with. The student is first to know what an infect is, left he mistake hippocampi, and other amphibious animals for them, as was formerly done, or confound them with the vermes, which Linnæus first distinguished from infects, and which differ as effentially from them as the clafs mammalia do from birds. Every infect is furnished with a head, antennæ, and feet, of

all

all which the vermes are deftitute. All infects have fix or more feet; they refpire through pores placed on the fides of their bodies, and which are termed fpiracula; their skin is exfernally hard, and ferves them inftead of bones, of which they have internally none. From this definition, the acus marina is evidently no infect. But the antennæ placed on the fore part of the head, conftitute the principal diftinction. Thefe are jointed and moveable in every part, in which they differ from the horns of other animals; they are organs conveying fome kind of fenfe; but we have no more idea what this kind of fenfe is, than a man has, who, without eyes, attempts to determine the particular action of the rays of light on the retina of the eye, or to explain the changes which from thence take place in the human mind. That they are the organs of fome kind of fenfe, is apparent from their perpetually moving them forward; yet the hard cruft with which they are invefted, and their fhortnefs in flies and other infects, would induce one to believe them not to be the organs of touch that they are tubular, and filled with air, and some kind of humour, appears from the antennæ of butterflies immerfed in water. To come now to the terms of the art. A knowledge of the external parts of the body is first to be eftablifhed, which, after the method of anatomifts, we divide into head, trunk, abdomen, and extremities.

Sect. 8. Caput the head. This part in infects is without brain. The difference between the brain and spinal marrow confifts in the former being a medullary part organized. We do not deny the existence of a medullary thread in the head of infects, but we never could difcover it to be organized: hence the hippobofca equina, or horse fly, will live, run, nay even copulate, after being deprived of its head; to fay nothing of many others which are capable of living a long while in the fame fituation. As they are not furnished with ears, we apprehend them incapable of hearing; as we can no more conceive that fenfe to exift without ears, than vision without eyes. They are nevertheless fufceptible of any fhrill or loud noise, as well as fishes, but in a manner different from that of hearing. We are alfo dubious if they have the fenfe of fmell, no organ being found in them adapted to that purpofe; they neverthelefs perceive agreeable and fetid effluvia, but in a manner wholly unknown to us. Many infects have no tongue, nor make any found with their mouth; but for this purpose, some ufe their feet, others their wings, and others, fome elaftic inftrument with which they are naturally furnished. Moft infects have two eyes, but the gyrinus has four, the fcorpion fix, the fpider eight, and the fcolopendra three. They have

no