If the number of perfons reforting to London by making the lifts of deaths exceed that of births, affords reafon to imagine London must be very unhealthy, the number of those whom it fends out to America, the Eaft-Indies, &c. by decreafing the lifts of deaths, operates the contrary way; so that fuppofing the numbers received in and fent out to be equal, the charge of unhealthinefs remains juft as it was; the remark on the increase in the metropolis, or other towns, made in the note is, however, certainly jutt.

The first introduction of excife duties in England, our author remarks to have been at the beginning of the year 1664, when the parliament at Westminster voted a tax on beer, ale, tobacco, and other commodities, and called it the excife, an example which the king's parliament at Oxford followed.

Mr. Noorthouck has given a very particular account of the plague which ravaged London in 1665, far fuperior to that given by Maitland; we fhould, without fcruple, lay it before our readers, would our limits admit of it. His description of the great fire in 1666, is also very accurate.

We make no apology for quoting the following remarks, which our author makes on the progrefs of the English conftitution, to which, as he fays, a finishing hand may be faid to be put at the Revolution.

The progrefs of the English government may be reviewed in few words. When William the Norman eftablished himfelf and his followers here, he also more extenfively established the feudal frame of government, under which the king had little authority, and the people little or no liberty; the barone not only controuled the king in council, but often oppofed him by arms, and at the fame time oppreffed the people under their territorial jurifdictions. Our infular fituation, however, as it fecured us greatly from external hoftilities, and confined the barons to their domestic contests, so military fubordination gradually relaxed, and gave way at length to trade and civil inftitutions. Trade gave property, property enabled the people to purchase immunities, which difarming the barons on one fide, the regal power took advantages over them on average that the natural smali-pox deftroys one in feven, it is now above forty years fince this disorder began to be inoculated upon prepared bodies, of which the bishop of Worcester, in his celebrated fermon on this subject, informs us but one in 500 were found to die; hence in every 500 children inoculated, 70 lives are preferved to fociety; tho' few reflect how much this circumftance muft advance population. Since the bishop of Worcester's time the hazard is almolt reduced to nothing, and the practice obtaining chiefly in towns, they will hence increase falter than the acceffion of new comers will Occafion.'

the other; and thus, however paradoxical it may appear, the king grew more abfolute as the people grew more free. The feudal frame of government being almost worn out when king Henry VII. at the end of a long civil war, obtained the crown, it is under the Tudors that we find the regal power in its largest extent; but an imperious church ftill remained for both prince and people to fubdue, with all its legions of wealthy drones, more haughty and oppreffive than the tenporal barons. The Romish priefts adding grofs impofitions on the mind to maintain thofe on the body, letters firft difpofed the people to break loose from this fpecies of flavery, and thirst of power inclined the prince to shut out the bishop of Rome, with all his trumpery, and become his own pope. Both were gainers by the victory. But letters at length taught the people too much for the prince; they began to understand that tyranny of any fpecies was unjuft, and that it was only fupported by the fufferers. It is evident, thefe growing powers of prince and people must now interfere, no intermediate object remaining between them. The trading intereft was grown formidable, and joined with the landed gentry in difputing the éxorbitant powers of the crown, when James I. arrived, who endeavoured to intrench himfelf behind a new doctrine of the divine right of kings, and united with a willing church, young as yet in point of reformation, for their mutual defence: the Stuarts were, moreover, fufficiently inclined to bring in the papal power again, as more favourable to their defpotic views, would the spirit of the people have fuffered it. But this doctrine, rendered more odious by the alliance which fupported it, would not shelter them; and Charles I. was the king with whom the important ftruggle commenced. It was, indeed, as natural for him to perfift in the retention of those powers which the immediate preceding kings had exercised, as it was for the people, confcious of their strength, to endeavour to reduce the regal power within reasonable limits. Had the ge neral views of either of the parties extended to perceive the nature of this great crifis, a more peaceable settlement had; perhaps, taken place: but they both acted under the influencé of circumstances, that neither of them appeared to understand, at leaft Charles, unhappily for himfelf, was the most ignorant in this refpect. He continued tenacious and refractory, the commons grew affuming by their fuccefs, when the army under a daring chief took the game out of both their hands, and brought the beft of the Stuarts to difgraceful death. An

Though the proceedings of all parties may merit cenfure on mature examination, yet on an outline view, a reformation of goi vernment was rendered indifpenfable; we have only to regret that it was not more easily accomplished.'

vfurper fucceeded him, and after his death military tyranny occafioned the fons of Charles to be invited home, as the best alternative; but the people foon found, that if the father chaftifed them with whips, the fons chaftifed them with fcorpions, Nor was the English conftitution finally fettled, till the nation called in a foreigner, who affifted in driving out the last tyrant, and accepted the fovereignty on ftipulated articles.

Thus it will appear, that those who derive the establishment of English liberties from remote antiquity, reft them on a treacherous foundation; that they began early in London and other corporations is true, but it is equally true that it was not till trade had fapped the foundation of the feudal inftitutions, that they became general *; nor was it until force taught our kings to be juft, that the rightful claims of the people were fully admitted and confirmed. Thus, though no original compact can be actually produced between king and people, a recent one is to be found at this revolution, as valid as if it had the fanction of ages; when government was at last settled on the broad basis of popular affent and fupport.'

The affair of Sacheverel is related by our author in a very circumftantial manner; and when he mentions the inftructions given by the city of London to their reprefentatives in parliament at the acceffion of George 1. he very ftrenuously afferts the obligation which reprefentatives are under to observe the inftructions of their conftituents; which obfervation he makes thus early, although approaching living times, which might afford him a more pertinent place for it, as he would rather advance general truths than make particular applications." He also makes fome very juft remarks on the impropriety of the act for extending the duration of parliaments to seven years.

The mention of fome crueities exercifed by the wardens of the Fleet prifon upon their prifoners, gives our author an opportunity of offering his fentiments on the practice of imprifoning perfons for debt; the power of creditors, he thinks, ought not to extend farther than to the property of debtors. The reasons he affigns in fupport of his opinion are very just; for the particulars we refer our readers to the work itself.

Those who are acquainted with the state of England at that time, and know to whom Magna Charta was granted, will eafily determine who were, and who were not the objects of it; none befide landholders, with the freemen of cities and boroughs, were then confidered as freemen, or law-worthy, but the bulk of the people did not come under either of thefe defcriptions. If emancipation, the fruit of their own industry, afterwards brought them within the letter of it, they are under no obligation to the original framers and afferters of the charter on that fcore.'

It is with pleasure we obferve the liberality of our author's fentiments in his remarks on the letter which the bishop of London wrote to the clergy and inhabitants of London and Weftminster after the earthquakes in 1750. His lordship lamented the depravity of the times, and looked on the earthquakes as a warning for their amendment. This reprefentation of the immorality of the people had but too much foundation in truth, whatever may be faid of the ufe to which his lordship converted the earthquakes. Pious remonftrances against vice are feafonable at all times, though most likely to be liftened to by the ignorant when under a temporary alarm; but the truth is, that there is more depravity among the rich than among the poor, and that if a reformation does not begin with the former, it will never extend to the latter. In this view, as it will do neither good nor hurt, so it is not worth while to fcrutinize too nicely how far it is juftifiable to fupport the doctrine of judgments from the indifcriminate convulfions of nature, when the Scripture fails in fuch affiftance. These events are much better understood on other principles; though it were well if no worfe advantage had ever been taken of the fears of mankind.'

The cafe of Mr. Murray, who on account of the Westmin. fter election in 1751, who was fummoned before the house of commons, and was by that houfe fent to Newgate, for refusing to kneel at the bar, is circumftantially related. We are furprifed that this affair should be totally neglected by Maitland.

We much approve our author's regular, yet concife, account of Elizabeth Canning's affair. As it feems impoffible to be informed of the true fecret in this extraordinary cafe; Maitland's very tedious account of it might well have been Spared.

The particulars moft worthy of notice in the remainder of the hiftorical part are, the Act for the Naturalization of Jews, the Marriage- Act, the attempt to establish a General Uniformity of Weights and Measures, the Story of the Cock-Lane Ghoft, the Origin of the Partics concerning Wilkes, an Inquiry into the Caufes of the high Prices of Provifions, State of the Contest between the Corporation of London and the Adams concerning the Adelphi buildings; the Affair of the Printers, who publifhed Speeches and Votes of Members of the Houfe of Commons; Obfervations on the popular Difcontents. The Inquiry into the Caufes of the high Price of Provifions, and the Obfervations on the popular Discontents, are written in a manner that will do credit to the author's difcernment.

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To prevent the work from fwelling to an extravagant size, the petitions and remonftrances of the city of London, char ters, proclamations, tables, &c. are given in an Appendix, on a smaller letter than the work.

We come now to the Survey of London, and the defcription of the public buildings, &c. to which Mr. Noorthouck has prefixed Dr. Price's tables, fhewing the probabilities of hu Iman life in London, Vienna, Berlin, &c. tho' is willing to be lieve that, on account of the errors in the Bills of Mortality, the doctor has made a disadvantageous eftimate of the healthi nefs of London.

Stow having referred to the ballad called London Lyckpeny, written in the reign of Henry V. in which mention is made of Eaftcheap-market, which feems to have been one of the first markets in London, Mr. Noorthouck procured a copy of this humourous ballad, in the British Museum, which he has inferted in his work.

Our author vindicates the equeftrian ftatue of the late duke of Cumberland, which is erected in Cavendifh fquare. A late anonymous writer,' fays he, has affected to make himfelf very merry with this ftatue, because the figure is dreffed in the British regimental uniform *. But cavilling apart, there is ftrict propriety in exhibiting a hero in the drefs of his age, country, and profeffion: any other is a masquerade habit. For, however custom may have fanctified the forcing a Roman drefs on the ftatues of thofe who never wore it: there is as little reafon for dreffing our duke of Cumberland like Julius Cæfar, or Pompeius Magnus, as for habiting him like Heider Ali, or Attakullakulla. This is certainly true; but we apprehend that Roman dreffes ftill pleafe, chiefly because they are more graceful than the dreffes of the moderns. There is an air of dignity and ease in them, which ours want, and which renders them agreeable, while ours, as soon as out of fashion, appear uncouth.

The defcription given of the British Mufeum is a valuable. addition to the prefent Hiftory of London. There is also added, a table of the feveral incorporated companies of citizens of London, their order, the times of their being incorporated, where their halls are fituated, and what are their livery fines.

As our author is an agreeable companion, we fhould have been glad to have conducted our readers fiep by step in his progress through the town; as this, however, was not in our power, we affure them that if they chufe to make the tour with him, they will not fail of being well entertained, as his remarks are generally pertinent, and his defcriptions are exact, without being tedioufly minute.

Critical Obfervations on the Buildings, &c. of London, 4to. p. 18.
XI. De