ment for debts. To put an end at once and for ever to evils of this sort, and to dangers from this source, the Constitution of the United States has declared, that no State shall emit bills of credit, nor make any thing but gold and silver a tender in payment of debts, nor pass any law which shall impair the obligation of contracts. All this, however, proves, not that States cannot contract debts, but that, when contracted, they must pay them in coin, according to their stipulation. The several States possess the power of borrowing money for their own internal occasions of expenditure, as fully as Congress possesses the power to borrow in behalf of the United States, for the purpose of raising armies, equipping navies, or performing any other of its constitutional duties. It may be added, that Congress itself fully recognizes this power in the States, as it has authorized the investment of large funds, which it held in trust for very important purposes, in certificates of State stocks. The security for State loans is the plighted faith of the State, as a political community. It rests on the same basis as other contracts with established governments, the same basis, for example, as loans made by the United States, under the authority of Congress; that is to say, the good faith of the government making the loan, and its ability to fulfil its engagements. The State loans, it is known, have been contracted principally for the purpose of making railroads and canals; and in some cases, although I know not how generally, the income or revenue expected to be derived from these works is directly and specifically pledged, and in others very valuable tracts of land. It cannot be doubted that the general result of these works of internal improvement has been, and will be, to en-' hance the wealth and ability of the States.

It has been said, that the States cannot be sued on these bonds. But neither could the United States be sued, nor, as I suppose, the crown of England, in a like case. Nor would the power of suing give to the creditors, probably, any substantial additional security. The solemn obligation of a government, arising on its own acknowledged bond, would not be enhanced by a judgment rendered on such bond. If it either could not or would not make provision for paying the bond, it is not probable that it could or would make provision for satisfying the judgment.

The States cannot rid themselves of their obligations otherwise than by the honest payment of the debt. They can pass no law impairing the obligation of their own contracts. They can make nothing a tender, in discharge of such contracts, but gold and silver. They possess all adequate power of providing for the case, by taxes and internal means of revenue. They cannot get round their duty, nor evade its force. Any failure to fulfil its undertakings would be an open violation of public faith, to be followed by the penalty of dishonor and disgrace; a penalty, it may be presumed, which no State of the American Union would be likely to incur.

I hope I may be justified by existing circumstances in closing this letter with the expression of an opinion of a more general nature. It is, that I believe the citizens of the United States, like all honest men, regard debts, whether public or private, and whether existing at home or abroad, to be of moral as well as legal obligation; and I trust I may appeal to their history, from the moment when those States took their rank among the nations of the earth to the present time, for proof that this belief is well founded. If it were possible that any one of the States should at any time so entirely lose her self-respect, and forget her duty, as to violate the faith solemnly pledged for her pecuniary engagements, I believe there is no country upon earth, not even that of the injured creditor, in which such a proceeding would meet with less countenance or indulgence than it would receive from the great mass of the American people. I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, your obedient servant, DANIEL WEbster.

To the Duke of Rutland.

London, November 16, 1839.

MY DEAR DUKE, I am obliged to you for the respectful manner in which, presiding at the meeting of the Waltham Agricultural Association, you were pleased to refer to our conversation at Belvoir, and I have still higher pleasure in noticing the just and liberal sentiments expressed by you on that occasion respecting the relations of our respective countries. Such

sentiments, I assure you, will be heartily reciprocated on our side of the Atlantic. England and the United States are not only the two most commercial countries in the world, but they are also those two which have the greatest degree of intercourse with each other. This will strike any one who shall compare the small amount of annual trade between England and France with the great amount of that between England and the United States, and yet France is within sight of England, with thirtythree or thirty-four millions of people, and the United States are three thousand miles off, with half that amount of population; and, notwithstanding the progress which may be expected in some branches of manufactures in America, there is no reason to doubt that this intercourse will continue, and perhaps be increased by the rapid increase of population in America. While the United States continue to import British commodities, it is evidently the interest of England that her customers should increase both in numbers and in the ability to buy and consume her products. On the other hand, every intelligent person in America sees, not only the evils which would ensue from any interruption of the harmony existing between the two countries, but the embarrassments, also, which must be felt in America, whenever any disasters occur sufficient to derange the general prosperous course of trade and business in England.

The intimate relations of commerce subsisting between the two countries, the well-known laws of trade and exchange, and the important fact that both countries use, to a great extent, a representative paper currency, necessarily cause any great embarrassment which may be felt in one to be extended to the other. Your Grace was quite right, I think, in your observations on the subject of corn. America is indebted to England in various ways, and is likely to remain so, while the interest of money remains much lower in the latter country than in the former. We have this year a most abundant wheat crop; and if England should have occasion to import corn or flour, both countries would be benefited by her taking her supply from us. We should be paying so much of our debt, and she would be receiving her supply without the necessity of sending abroad specie; and it is undoubtedly true that the short crop in England last year, leading to so heavy an export of gold and silver

to the Continent, most seriously affected commercial business in the United States, as well as in England.

Let us hope, my dear Duke, that between two Christian nations speaking the same language, having the same origin, enjoying the same literature, and connected by these mutual ties of interest, nothing may ever exist but peace and harmony, and the noble rivalship of accomplishing most for the general improvement and happiness of mankind.

Allow me to close this letter with an invitation, which, if given some years ago, would have passed for mere compliment; and that is, that you will come and see us. You are fond of excursions by sea. Eighteen or twenty days will take you from Belvoir Castle to the Falls of Niagara, and you may see much of America this side of the Alleghanies, and something of what is beyond, and return to England in a period hardly longer than an ordinary recess of Parliament. Nature has done much in America which is worthy to attract your notice. Man, I hope, has done something; and at any rate, you and your connections and friends would be sure of receiving that respectful and hearty welcome to which your character and your hospitality to others so well entitle you.

I have the honor to be, my dear Duke, very faithfully yours, DANIEL WEbster.

To M. St. Clair Clarke, Wm. S. Murphy, and Hudson M. Garland. Department of State, March 27, 1841.

GENTLEMEN,- It is the desire of the President to be fully acquainted with the state of progress in which the public works now are, and with the degree of skill, fidelity, and economy with which these works are carried on. For this purpose he has appointed you a commission of examination and inquiry, and he wishes you to direct your attention to the following points:

1st. What is the number of persons employed on the public buildings now in progress in the city, exclusive of laborers? This is the more necessary, as many of those persons hold offices not created by specific provisions of law.

2d. What is the respective duty of each of these persons? 3d. What prices are paid to them for their services, and whether in any case the compensation is unreasonably large.

4th. Whether there has been, or is, any just ground of complaint against those persons, or any of them, either in regard to their own diligence and skill, or in regard to their treatment of laborers employed by them.

If you have any reason to suppose that any one has been guilty of misconduct, you will state the charge to him, and give him an opportunity to answer it; and will report no evidence of which the party shall not have had notice. You will inquire into no man's political opinions or preferences; but if it be alleged that any person, having the power of employing and dismissing laborers, has used that power either in employing or dismissing with any reference to the political opinions of those who may have been employed or dismissed, or for any political or party object whatever, or in any other way violated his duty for party or electioneering purposes, you will inquire into the truth of such suggestion; and if you find reason to think it well founded, in any case, you will state the particular facts or circumstances on which your opinion is founded. It is not intended that this commission shall be of long continuance, nor be attended with any considerable expense. You will use as much despatch, therefore, as the nature of the case will allow, and make report to this department.

A reasonable sum will be allowed you for your time and service, out of the appropriated fund.

By the President's order.

DANIEL WEBSTER, Secretary of State.

To Messrs. John Haven and others.

Washington, January 3, 1844. GENTLEMEN, I have received your letter requesting permission to present my name to the people as a candidate for the office of President of the United States, subject to the future wise, deliberate action of the Whig National Convention of 1844.

It would be disingenuous to withhold an expression of the