of parliament on the subject passed in the year 1729, when the following are the most important:-1. Licenses are to the statute 2 Geo. II., c. 28, § 11, after reciting that incon- be granted annually, at a special session of magistrates, veniences had arisen in consequence of licenses being granted appointed and summoned in a manner particularly directed, to alehouse-keepers by justices living at a distance, and and to be called the General Annual Licensing Meeting, to therefore not truly informed of the occasion or want of ale- be holden in Middlesex and Surrey, within the first ten days houses in the neighbourhood, or the characters of those who of March, and in every other place between the 20th of apply for licenses, enacts that no license shall in future be August and the 14th of September. 2. Every person ingranted but at a general meeting of the magistrates acting tending to apply for a license must affix a notice of his inin the division in which the applicant dwells. It should be tention, with the name, abode, and calling of the applicant, remarked, that at this period a most pernicious element in on the door of the house, and on the door of the church the compound of mischief produced by public houses had or chapel of the place in which it is situated, on three several recently sprung into existence, in the shape of spirituous Sundays, and must serve a copy of it upon one of the overliquors; and in the statute which we have just mentioned, a seers, and one of the peace officers. 3. If a riot or tumult clause is contained, placing the keepers of liquor or brandy- happens, or is expected to happen, two justices may direct shops under the same regulations as to licenses as alehouse- any licensed alehouse-keeper to close his house; and if this keepers. The eagerness with which spirits were consumed order be disobeyed, the keeper of the alehouse is to be at this period by the lower orders of the people in England, deemed not to have maintained good order therein. 4. The and especially in London and other large towns, appears to license is subjected to an express stipulation that the keeper have resembled rather the brutal intemperance of a tribe of of the house shall not adulterate his liquors; that he shall savages than the habits of a civilized nation. Various eva- not use false measures; that he shall not permit drunkensions of the provisions of the licensing acts were readily sug-ness, gaming, or disorderly conduct in his house; that he gested to meet this inordinate demand; and in 1733 it be- shall not suffer persons of notoriously bad character to ascame necessary to enforce, by penalty, the discontinuance of semble therein; and that (except for the reception of trathe practice of hawking spirits about the streets in wheel- vellers) he shall not open his house, during divine service, barrows, and of exposing them for sale on bulks, sheds, or on Sundays and holydays. 5. Heavy and increasing penalstalls. (See 6 Geo. II., c. 11.) From this time alehouses be- ties for repeated offences against the tenor of the license are came the shops for spirits, as well as for ale and beer; in conse- imposed; and magistrates at sessions are empowered to quence of which, their due regulation became a subject of much punish an alehouse-keeper, convicted by a jury of a third greater difficulty than formerly; and this difficulty was heavily offence against the tenor of his license, by a fine of 1007., or increased by the growing importance of a large consumption to adjudge his license to be forfeited. of these articles to the revenue. Besides this, all regulations for the prevention of evils in the management of alehouses were now embarrassed by the arrangements which had become necessary for the facility and certainty of collecting the excise duties.

In 1753 a statute was passed (26 Geo. II., c. 31) by the provisions of which, with some trifling modifications by later statutes, the licensing of alehouses continued to be regulated for the remainder of the last century. This statute, after reciting that the laws concerning alehouses, and the licensing thereof, were insufficient for correcting and suppressing the abuses and disorders frequently committed therein, contains, amongst others, the following enactments:-1. That upon granting a license to any person to keep an alehouse, such person should enter into a recognizance in the sum of 107., with sufficient sureties, for the maintenance of good order therein. 2. That no license should be granted to any person not licensed the preceding year, unless he produced a certificate of good character from the clergyman and the majority of the parish officers, or from three or four respectable and substantial inhabitants, of the place in which such alehouse is to be. 3. That no license should be granted but at a meeting of magistrates, to be held on the 1st of September in every year, or within twenty days afterwards, and should be made for one year only. 4. Authority is given to any magistrate to require an alehouse-keeper, charged upon the information of any person with a breach of his recognizance, to appear at the next quarter sessions, where the fact may be tried by a jury, and in case it is found that the condition of the recognizance has been broken, the recognizance is to be estreated into the Exchequer, and the party is utterly disabled from selling ale or other liquors for three years. By a statute passed in 1808 (48 Geo. III., c. 143) a difference was introduced into the mode of licensing, not with a view to the internal regulation of alehouses, but for purposes connected with the collection of the revenue. The license, which was formerly obtained from the magistrates, was, by that act, to be granted by the commissioners, collectors, or supervisors of excise, under certain specific directions, and upon the production by the applicant of a previous license or allowance, granted by the magistrates, according to the provisions of the former statutes respecting licensing. The next act of parliament upon this subject was passed in 1822, (3 Geo. IV., c. 77,) but as that statute continued in operation for only a few years, it is unnecessary to specify its provisions further than to notice, that the preamble states the insufficiency of the laws previously in force respecting alehouses, and that one of its provisions is considerably to increase the amount of the recognizances required both from the alehouse-keeper and his sureties. In 1828 a general act to regulate the granting of alehouse licenses was passed, (9 Geo. IV., c. 61,) which repeals all former statutes on this subject, and enacts a variety of provisions, of which

The last act of parliament which relates to the regulation of alehouses is the late act to permit the general sale of beer and cider by retail in England.' (1 Will. IV., c. 64.) The following are the most material provisions of this statute: -1. That any householder, desirous of selling malt liquor and cider, by retail, in any house, may obtain an excise license for that purpose, to be granted by the commissioners of excise in London, and by collectors and supervisors of excise in the country, upon payment of two guineas. 2. That a list of such licenses shall be kept at the Excise Office, which is at all times to be open to the inspection of the magistrates. 3. That the applicant for a license must enter into a bond with a surety for the payment of any penalties imposed for offences against the act. 4. That any person licensed under the act, who shall deal in wine or spirits, shall be liable to a penalty of 20s. 5. That in cases of riot, persons so licensed shall close their houses upon the direction of a magistrate. 6. That such persons suffering drunkenness or disorderly conduct in their houses shall be subject to penalties which are to be increased on a repetition of the offences, and the magistrates before whom they are convicted may disqualify them from selling beer for two years. 7. That such houses are not to be open before four in the morning nor after ten in the evening, nor during divine service on Sundays and holydays. The reader will observe that the effect of this statute is to withdraw the authority of granting licenses to houses opened for the sale of ale, beer, and cider, from the local magistrates, in whose hands it had been exclusively vested for nearly 300 years, and to supersede their direct and immediate superintendence and control of such houses. The consequence of the facility of obtaining licenses upon a small pecuniary payment, and without the troublesome and expensive process directed by former statutes, has been a rapid and enormous multiplication of alehouses throughout the country, together with very general complaints, especially in the southern and western districts, and amongst the rural population of a considerable increase of idleness and crime, and of increased and increasing demoralization among the labouring classes of the people. A discussion of the justice of these complaints would be foreign to the purpose of this article, and lead too far into the field of controversy; besides which, the facts are at present not sufficiently ascertained to justify the formation of a positive opinion as to the necessity of a change, or the mode of effecting it. It cannot, however, be too often or too strongly impressed upon the minds of all, that it is a fatal error to consider this question too strictly with a view to finance and revenue; these objects, momentous as they undoubtedly are at this period, ought not to supersede those which are of much more weighty importance, as permanently affecting the moral and intellectual character, as well as the health, comfort, and independence of the lower orders of the community. Even as a matter of finance, the encouragement

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of the use of intoxicating liquors has been considered, by very competent judges, as an object of doubtful policy. For government to offer encouragement to alehouses,' says Sir Frederic Morton Eden, in his valuable History of the Poor, any further than they are wanted for the many useful purposes which they serve among the labouring classes, is to act the part of a felo de se. Nor ought the public ever to be lulled into an acquiescence by the flattering bait of immediate gain, which ere long they would be obliged to pay back to paupers, in relief, with a heavy interest.'

mixed race, and this word a generic name for many tribes. Agathias, in b. i. c. 6. of his History, has the following remarkable passage: If we are to follow Asinius Quadratus, an Italian, who has written an accurate account of the Germans, the Allemanni were a gathered mob and mixed race, (žvɣkλvdes ävOрwжоi кaì μıɣáðes,) and this is expressed by their very name.' Thus we may, without great reluc tance, admit, that the Roman word Allemanni was formed from the Alemannic Allemannen, since we find that, in German, ALLE still signifies all, and MANN (plur. männer), a man, and that Allemannen meant in their language all men, or all sorts of men,-a vast union of many tribes. Icelandic analogy supports this etymology. In the ancient Norse (i. e. Icelandic), the Germans are called PiodverJAR, i. e. the men of the nation, from Piód, a nation, and ver, verji, a man, a defender, protector. The Germans, then, in the eyes of their northern neighbours, were the nation of Romans and Scandinavians used a term, in different languages indeed, yet conveying the same idea, as a name for this people. The French, too, as they have borrowed from the Normans the name of Normand, which was significant in the language of the latter though not in French, so they have also borrowed from the Alemanni the appellation Allemand, which they have extended to the whole German nation,-also significant in the German, but not in French.

ALEMAN (MATEO). This celebrated Spanish writer was born at Seville about the middle of the sixteenth century. He held an important office in the financial department, under Philip II., which he filled with honour for a long period. Disgusted at last with the broils of the court, he requested his dismissal; and having obtained it, he retired to devote himself entirely to study. In 1604 he published the Life of St. Antonio de Padua with an Enco-nations-the great nation-the nation kar éžoxy-and thus miasticon in eundem, in Latin verses, not without merit. We are ignorant of the motive or object of his voyage to Mexico, and only know that in 1609 he published there an Ortografia Castellana. But the work which entitles him to the notice of posterity is his Guzman de Alfarache, which he published at Madrid in 1599. In this amusing and interesting work Aleman shows he was both a philosopher and a man of the world. It is a bitter satire on the corrupted manners of Spain at that period. The enterprising genius of Charles V. had inspired the Spanish youth with an ambition for military glory, and drawn them off from the cultivation of the useful arts and sciences. His successors were incapable of preserving the immense empire raised by him, and the huge edifice began to fall already under his son. The nation was then swarming with a multitude of men, who, thinking it degrading to earn an honest livelihood, did not scruple to live by cheating and swindling. This was the origin of the multitude of those novels called Picarescas, which, from the beginning of the sixteenth to the latter end of the seventeenth centuries, appeared in Spain, intended to describe the life and manners of rogues, vagabonds, and beggars, bringing also the other classes of society upon the stage, either as their victims, abettors, or protectors. Such is the character of Aleman's work. It is written in a pure and correct style, though, from the nature of the subject, it is very often vulgar and even indelicate. The abruptness and rapidity with which the author passes from one subject to another, together with the use of low slang words, render it obscure in many passages. His practice of moralizing or rather preaching is very often carried too far; but we must not forget the age and country in which the author lived. His book was soon translated into almost all the European languages. A French translation appeared in 1600 by Chapui. James Mabbe of Magdalene College, Oxford, translated Guzman de Alfarache into English, the first edition of which was published 1622 or 23, the 2d in 1630, and the 3d in 1634. The work of Le Sage, which bears the title of Guzman de Alfarache, resembles in no respect the novel of Aleman. In this work as in his other productions, Le Sage copied indeed the figures, but he made out of them a picture adapted to the taste of the French public. We are not acquainted with the precise time of Aleman's death, but it is supposed that it occurred under the reign of Philip III. Nicolao Antonio, Bibliotheca Hispana Nova.

ALEMANNI, or ALLEMANNI. It is difficult to give a clear and satisfactory account of this people, although many notices concerning them are to be found in the works both of Greek and Roman authors. These notices, however, generally detail only the circumstances of particular invasions and of mutual injuries, committed on the Roman frontier; but a comprehensive view of the history, and an accurate information respecting the origin and internal government of the Alemanni, are nowhere to be obtained. Their very name, Alemanni, Allemanni, Alamanni, or Allamanni, (the Greek writers call them Alaußavvoi,) has been the subject of much fruitless speculation; and after all that critics, etymologists, antiquaries, and historians have said about it, that derivation of this name which was the most obvious, and which perhaps found less favour because it was so, still seems more probable than any other. It surely is more natural to look for the origin of the word Alemanni in some Teutonic dialect, ancient or modern, than anywhere else; for it cannot be doubted that this people were Ger

mans.

Ancient authors agree in this, that the Alemanni were a

It is likely that the sound of the word Alemanni recommended it to the Romans; considering that it was barbarous, still it was sonorous, and the surname of Alemannicus, which Caracalla is said to have adopted, was easily formed from it, and probably pleased the matrons of Rome. At all events it is more natural thus to derive the name of Alemanni from native Germanic roots, than, as several learned etymologists and critics have done, from the Welch word Ellmyn, being an irregular plural of the sing. Alltud, which signifies a foreigner. We say Welch word advisedly, not Celtic word, as Rickless, for example, does; for although the Welch is one of the Celtic languages, it is not the pure, or the parent Celtic, but one of the more mixed of the languages of that family; and even if Ellmyn were pure and ancient Celtic, little would be gained: the Celtic nations had, at the time when the Allemanni are mentioned by the Romans, been long settled in the westernmost parts of Europe; and it would be difficult, at that period, to prove their presence in any part of Germany.

Moreover, it would be a singular nation, who styled them selves the Foreigners, as the Alemanni must have done if the derivation of their name from Ellmyn be true; for it is most natural to suppose, that the Romans learned their name from the Alemanni themselves: and lastly, it follows that these people must have adopted the national designation of Foreigners from a language which was foreign to them. It would not mend matters much to suppose, that the Romans learned the name of Allemanni from the Gauls, for that supposition again involves many other improbable suppositions. Pfister's derivation in the Allgemeine Encyclopedie, art. Alemanni, is equally fanciful and uncritical, which we think proper, although foreign to the general plan of this work, to notice, it being a not unessential part of truth to confute error, when supported by respectable, and therefore more misleading, authority. On the other hand, the derivation of Alemanni in the most natural way from Alle männer, is recommended by the very common practice with many nations, to adorn themselves with boastful names, or with such as harmonize with their distinctive habits or lofty pretensions.

The boundaries of the territory of the Alemanni are even more uncertain than their name; for they seem to have varied much at different periods. Their principal abode, the nucleus from which their dominions spread, was the very heart of Germany, the space between the sources of the Rhine and the Danube; from this vital centre, their sway seems to have extended very far along the banks of both these rivers, towards N.E. and N.W. occupying the entire space between them. In the earliest period of their history, their limits are supposed to have been the Rhine, the Danube, and the Maine; in subsequent ages their territory extended towards the Alps and the Jura mountains. The first notice respecting them in history occurs in the year 214, in the reign of Caracalla. This emperor sojourned some time among them, and lived with them on good terms, as they greatly admired his hardiness, frugality, military habits, and personal bravery,

as well as his plainness and affability of manner, for he affected | Urficinus, Vestralphus, and Vadomarius, concluded a peace entirely to forget the emperor, and assumed the part of their with Julian at Maynz. During the latter part of his reign, companion. But this play, like every other performance, they did not venture to attack the Romans; but Valentinian had its end. Under pretext of raising a regiment of I. had almost incessantly to contend with them in his own auxiliaries, he called a meeting of those among them who domain. Gratian, in 377, fought with them a bloody battle were of military age, and having surrounded them by his at Argusturia (now Horburg). In the latter part of the soldiers, he gave a signal for a general massacre; such as fourth and the beginning of the fifth centuries, they occupied fled were hunted down by the cavalry. This vile treachery the southern and western banks of the Rhine, opposite the kindled an inextinguishable hatred to the Romans in the mouths of the Neckar and Main, almost without evacuating breast of the Alemanni; and through many succeeding their former abodes. In the middle of the fifth century, centuries they continued the most unrelenting enemies of they spread over Helvetia, as far as to the Jura and the the empire. They also had their revenge on Caracalla. In Lake of Geneva. In whatsoever region they settled, they a battle which they fought with him, their fury is said to have preserved their national language and manners. After the been such, that they drew out with their teeth the arrows by bloody victory gained by the Frankish king Clodwig, at which the Osroeni, who were allies of the Romans, wounded Tolbiacum (now Zülpich), in 496, they lost their eastern them, lest time should be lost by making use of their hands, and western Frankish possessions. Many of them, disdaining which they thought better employed in cutting the Romans to dwell in a subdued country, sought refuge with Theodric down without intermission. They suffered, however, Cara- the Great, who assigned to them abodes in Rhætia. In calla to buy of them the name of victory for a great sum of 536, Vitiges ceded them to the Franks; and after this they money, which he took care to pay in pure gold, at a time were united to the Suevi, and with them consolidated into a when he only used base coin at home. Those of the wives dukedom, called the Duchy of Alemannia. Subsequent to of the Alemanni whom the Romans took captive, put them- this period, their history becomes more and more confused, selves, and many of them their children also, to death, in and is also absorbed in the general history of Germany; yet order to save them from slavery. from that circumstance, and from the extension which the French have given to their name, we may judge that they were a leading, a preponderating tribe among the Germanic nations.

As branches of the Alemanni, there have been mentioned the Cenni (Kévvo), the Leutienses, the Juthungi, the Vithungi, and the Buzinobantes, on the right bank of the Main. The first of these Dion Cassius calls a Celtic nation (KeλTIKòv Ovos); but it is difficult to conceive that this statement should be free from error, or, if they were Celts, to admit the theory of modern authors, who make them a branch of the Alemanni.

The Alemanni were a very warlike people, and the Romans particularly admired their cavalry, probably because, like the Gothic and Teutonic nations in general, they were equally fit for equestrian and infantry service. The country was divided into gauen (pron. Gow-en), by the Romans called pagi; which had their name either from the tribes who inhabited them, or from the chiefs or dukes, called kings by the Romans, who ruled over them. Each of these had its peculiar constitution, and was independent: in war only they all acted as one people, with united interests, and had one general. The Alemanni had a peculiar body of laws given to them by the kings Theodric, Childebert, and Clothar, and improved by Dagobert.

For the Alemannic language, see Germanic Languages, and the art. TEUTONIC. Notices respecting the Alemanni are to be found in Herodian, Dion Cassius, Ammianus Marcellinus, Agathias, and Aurelius Victor.

After Caracalla's departure, they became much more powerful on the Rhine, for after this period we find them making frequent incursions into Gaul. Alexander Severus at length led an army against them, but being murdered by his own soldiers, he left the victory to his successor Maximinus, who overran and devastated their country from the Rhine to the Danube. During the disturbances in the Roman empire in 237 and the following years, caused by the despotism and bad conduct of Maximus, the Alemanni recommenced their invasions in Gaul with impunity. In the years 257-60, Valerian's general, Posthumus, again drove them out of that country and erected fortresses in their territory. These they indeed repeatedly demolished, but the Romans always repaired them, and held them in possession till the reign of the Emperor Probus (282). After his death the Alemanni could no longer be resisted. Dioclesian in 285, and Maximian in 287, seem only to have attempted to defend the Roman possessions to the west of the Rhine; and although the latter slaughtered vast numbers of them, he gained no further advantage than that the Rhine remained the common boundary. Constantinus Chlorus, in 298-301, again ventured to cross the Rhine, and even marched as far as to the Danube; still the Romans gained no permanent possession of the countries to the east of the Rhine. In a bloody battle at Langres, Constantine the Great slew vast numbers of them, and after this disaster they remained quiet till the year 337; but during the reign of the sons of Constantin they again invaded Gaul, and made their settlements on both banks of the Rhine co-ex- ALEMBERT (JEAN LE ROND D'). The birth of this tensive, i.e. from the Maine to the other side of Strasburg. eminent man is stated by some to have taken place on the 16th, Julian, in 356-361, not only drove them out of Gaul, but by others on the 17th, of November, 1717. This matter is of the even made several expeditions into their German domains. less consequence, as his career ought rather to be dated from In 357 he beat seven of their chieftains in a bloody battle his abandonment by his parents and exposure in a public marat Strasburg, at which time Chonodomar was their com- ket by the church of St. Jean le Rond, near the cathedral of mander-in-chief. The third time, in 359, he seems to have Notre Dame, at Paris, from which he derived his christian attacked them almost without a cause. The words of Am- name. How he obtained his surname is not mentioned: mianus Marcellinus are as follows: He reflected that probably it was that of his foster-mother. He was found by some of their gaues (pagi) were hostile, and that they would a commissary of police, and instead of being conveyed to the commit outrages unless they were put down like the rest. hospital of Enfans Trouvés, was intrusted to the wife of a poor For this expedition Julian made great preparations, by send-glazier, on account of the care which his apparently dying ing Hariobandus, a distinguished officer, as a spy, before state required. It has been supposed that the discovery, as him, by strengthening his alliance with those Alemannic well as the exposure, was arranged beforehand, as in a kings with whom he was at peace, by fortifying the fron- few days the father made himself known, and settled an tier towns nearest the enemy, collecting provisions, and allowance of twelve hundred francs a year, or about fifty building granaries: yet, when he arrived on the banks of pounds sterling, for his support. Other accounts state that the the Rhine near Maynz, he found them well prepared. They abandonment was the act of the mother, and that the father, defended their frontiers with great spirit, and during a con- upon hearing it, came forward for the protection of his son. siderable time the Roman emperor found it impossible to This father was M. Destouches, commissary of artillery; the cross the river, as they watched his movements from the mother was Madame, or more properly, Mademoiselle de opposite bank; and wherever he attempted to throw a Tencin, a lady celebrated for her talents and adventures, and bridge, they were present on the spot and ready to give him authoress of several works, in one of which, Les Malheurs a reception, which rendered the attempt unadvisable. The de l'Amour, she is supposed to have given a sketch of her emperor at last had recourse to stratagem, and made a num- own life. She was sister of Peter Guerin de Tencin, Cardiber of soldiers in small boats cross the river during the nal Archbishop of Lyons, and took the veil in the convent night, yet they effected nothing of consequence. Finally, of Montfleuri, near Grenoble, which place she afterwards however, assisted by the treachery of an Alemannic chief, quitted, and settled at Paris, where she became more celeJulian crossed, and in this expedition he penetrated even to brated for wit than virtue. It is said that when D'Alembert their eastern boundary. Eight Alemannic chiefs, or dukes, began to exhibit proofs of extraordinary talent, she sent for Hortensius, Suomaríus, Macrianus, Hariobaudus, Urius, him, and acquainted him with the relationship which existed

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