58

PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c. Feb.

country. I fay, Sir, in prudence
as well as modefty; for if we fhould
pretend to be better judges than
they, and to compel them or any
of them to be of our opinion, we
fhall of courfe furnish France with
a party in Germany, which may en- A

able her to overturn the liberties
of Europe as well as of Germany;
because the difpute will not then be
about liberty and independency, but
whether they shall be obliged to sub-
mit to the two houfes of Bourbon,
or to the two houfes of Brunswick g
and Auftria.

B

different gentlemen, we may per-
haps get at laft majority to concur

in the election of the archduke
Jofeph, even during the life of
his father, the prefent emperor. I
fay, perhaps; becaufe as the que-
ftion has now been started, whether
the electoral college or the diet
of the empire be judges of this ne-
ceffity, I doubt much if the elector
of Mentz will venture to convoke
a diet of election, before this que-
ftion be determined, even tho' a
majority of the electors fhould con-
cur in requiring it. But fuppof
that we should, by means of our fub-
fidies, obtain a majority of the elec.
tors, and that we fhould get the
elector of Mentz to run the risk
of convoking a diet of election at
their request, the question is, whether
C
fuch an election would not rather
precipitate a war than protract a
peace. We may, I think, be, well
affured, that thofe who think the
election of a king of the Romans
a matter indifference, will never
join in raifing any disturbance on
account of its being delayed, and
indeed the delay can furnish no fort
of pretence for a war: But will it
be the fame, in cafe an election be
made against the declared will of
three of the most powerful electors
of the empire, and before the diet
of the empire has come to any de-
termination with refpect to fuch an
election's being neceffary? Will not
thefe three electors think their rights
invaded? Will not all the princes
of the empire, who are not electors,
think their rights invaded? And
will not both have at least a pre-
tence for faying, that the houses
of Austria and Brunfwick, with the
help of English money, are going
to opprefs the liberties of the Ger-
manick body? Can we think, that
thofe electors and princes would fit
quietly down under fuch a fuppofed
ufurpation of their rights; Can we
expect that France would not prefently
fend her armies again into Germany,

From what I have heard in this debate, Sir, it feems to be almost the unanimous opinion of this af fembly, that an election of a king of the Romans would be an ad ditional fecurity for the peace of Europe and tranquillity of Germany, without being of any dangerous confequence to the liberties and privileges of the empire; but it is certain, that this is not the unanimous opinion of the electors and princes of that empire; for if it were, we should have no occafion to grant any fubfidy. With regard to them, the cafe, in my opinion, appears plainly to be thus: There are three electors and many princes, who think an election of a king of the Romans, during the life of the emperor, of fuch dangerous confequence to the liberties and privileges of the Germanick body, that it ought never to be made, without an abfolute and apparent neceffity, for which there is not, they think, the leaft pretence at prefent: There are two, and I be. lieve no more than two electors, who think, or pretend to think, that fuch a neceffity now exifts; And the rest of the electors and princes think the election itself a matter of fuch indifference, that they may G allow themselves to be determined by a fubfidy from us. In thefe circumstances we may fee, that by granting fubfidies to all thefe in

E

F

under

H

1753. PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c.

under pretence of being called upon as guaranty of the treaty of Westphalia?

B

C

59

account, would be a fquandering of the publick money; because it would be giving away our money for doing that which would certainly be done without our putting ourselves to any fuch expence. Again, if we fuppofe, that all or most of the electors and princes of Germany think, that the electing of the archduke Jofeph king of the Romans is a matter of fuch indifference, that they may without any danger proceed to it directly, or let it alone till after his father's death; 1 will fay, that in this cafe, our granting a fubfidy to any one of them, for the fake of haftening the election, would be worse than fquandering, because it would rather retard than forward the election, as every one of the reft would be for delaying the election, in hopes of getting a like fubfidy from us; and furely, it is not to be imagined, that we can, or ought to grant fubfidies to every elector and prince of Germany upon any account whatsoever.

Such an election, Sir, if it could be brought about, would therefore, in my opinion, be fo far from being an additional fecurity for the peace A of Europe, or the tranquillity of Germany, that I am convinced, it would produce an immediate war in Europe, with this difadvantage, that the greatest part of Germany, and probably both the northern crowns, who are both princes of the empire, would join with France against us; in which cafe the Dutch, I believe, would be wife enough to fecure themselves by a neutrality, as they did in the year 1734, or perhaps, embrace that project so often offered to them by France, of dividing what is now called the Auftrian Netherlands between them. Thus, Sir, our fuccefs in bringing about fuch an election would, in my opinion, be one of the most unlucky events that could happen to us; but this, I confefs, I do not D much apprehend, becaufe whilft there is a divifion in the empire about the neceflity of chufing a king of the Romans, I believe, the elector of Mentz will never venture to fummon a diet of election. Confequently I must think, that whilft E of their country: The farthest I fuch a divifion fubfifts, our granting of any fubidy on account of getting the archduke Jofeph chofen king of the Romans, will be an endeavour to purchase what it is not poffible to purchase, and confequently will be a fquandering of the publick money, which instead of agreeing to, we are in duty bound to prevent. Nay, fuppofing, Sir, that there were no fuch divifion in the empire: Suppofing that all the electors and princes thereof thought it neceflary for the fecurity G of the empire to proceed to an immediate election, and to chufe the archduke Jofeph king of the Romans, yet fill I thould think, that our granting of any fubidy upon that

I have hitherto fuppofed, Sir, that all the electors and pringes of the empire are men of true honour and publick fpirit, and that none of them can be biaffed by any mercenary confideration to act against what they think the true intereft

have yet gone is to fuppofe, that fome of them are not men of fuch

great forefight and deep penetration as our wife minifters, which is the cause they think that a mere matter of indifference, which our miF nifters in their great wildom clearly perceive to be of the highest importance: But really from the arguments made use of by the advocates for this motion, one would be apt to imagine, that the electors and princes of Germany, or fome of them at leaft, are as venal as any of our little boroughs in England, and that if we did not bribe them to act for the intereft of their country, they would accept of bribes H 2

from

60

PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c.

from France to act against the inter-
eft of their country; therefore if
any in this houfe have occafion to
be cautious how they exprefs them.
felves upon this fubject, it is those
who plead for this motion. not those
who plead against it; for I defy A
any man to advance one folid ar-
gument for our giving money for
the fake of getting a king of the
Romans chofen, without making a
fuppofition, that can no way tend
to the honour of the electors at that
election; therefore, I hope, the B
gentlemen who pretend to have
fo great a regard for the honour
and dignity of the electors and
princes of the empire, will drop
the reason they have affigned for our
granting the fubfidy propofed, and
furnish us with fome other reafon, C
before they defire our concurrence
with their motion; for, I think, I
have clearly fhewn, that if the elec-
tors and princes of the empire are
men of true honour and publick
Spirit, the election of a king of the
Romans could neither be the object D
or the view of the treaty now under
confideration, nor the principle up-
on which it was founded.

But, Sir, that I may confider this
treaty in every poflible light, I hope,
I may now join with its advocates,
without offence to any member of E
this houfe, whatever may happen
as to others, in fuppofing, that the
electors and princes of the empire,
or fome of them at leaft, would join
with France against us and the true
intereft of their country, if we did

Feb.

have thereby fo much exhaufted our strength, that we can no longer continue to act in the fame manner; therefore, if the princes of Germany, and fome of the other princes of Europe, think of throwing always the labouring oar upon us, we must resolve to drop our oar, and betake ourfelves to our own bottom, before our strength be fo much impaired as not to be able to take care of ourfelves. This, I trust in God! we may still do, if we confine ourfelves to our own element, and resolve to carry on no war but by fea. If we cannot do this: If we cannot defend ourselves by fea both against France and Spain, fhould both join against us, we must be undone; for it is impoffible for us to carry on a new land war upon the continent of Europe, at the fame expence we did the laft. La derniere Guinca l'emportera was an expreflion of Lewis XIV. who understood the methods of carrying on a war as well as any man; and by the high intereft of money we are forced to borrow, the expence of tranfporting troops, paying fubfidies, and often paying for troops which do us very little fervice, an army upon the continent of Europe will always coft us more than double the number cofts the French and Spaniards; therefore, confidering our prefent load of debt and mortgage of our publick revenue, we shall be in any fuch war reduced to the laft guinea, long be fore our enemies. This we had like to have fatally felt in the last

not prevent it by granting them fubfi- F war; for had it not been for our

dies in time of peace as well as war.
I confefs, Sir, that in time of war
we have long acted in fuch a man-
ner, as if we alone were concerned
in preferving a balance of power
in Europe; but I think we never
before laft year began to act fo in G
zime of peace, and when no im-
mediate rupture was fo much as ap-
prehended. In fhort, Sir, we have
to long acted in this manner, and

great fuccefs at fea, and the difficulties and danger which the French colonies and commerce were thereby reduced to, we fhould have been obliged to have offered a carte blanche to our enemies, becaufe it would have been impoffible to have raised money for carrying on the war during another campaign, without feizing upon that fund which is appropriated to pay the intereft, as

well

1753. PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c.

well as that which is appropriated to pay the principal of our publick debts.

We must therefore refolve, Sir, never from henceforth to be the first to take the alarum at the balance of power's being in danger, nor to fup- A pofe that it is, when no ftate in Europe thinks fo but ourselves, at least none but fuch as have fome particular and private intereft in view, which they difguife under the mafk of that publick intereft, called the balance of

C

power. When this balance is in B
real and apparent danger, the princes
of Europe will be ready enough to
exert the utmost of their ftrength,
without any fubfidy from us, even in
time of war; and when this ba-
lance is not in any real and apparent
danger, no fubfidy in time of peace
can fecure their concurrence with us
in any future measure, which we may
think neceffary for guarding against
a danger they are not fenfible of.
This we may learn from experience
as well as common fenfe; for the
late behaviour of the elector of Co- D
logn is a proof of the little depen-
dence we can have upon any previ-
ous fubfidy; and fome others may
perhaps act with lefs candour than
he has done; because he openly and
candidly threw up his fubfidy, as
foon as he refolved not to concur
with us, whereas fome others may
for years continue to receive our
money, and yet find from time to
time an excufe for delaying to con-
cur in that meafure, for which the
money was granted.

61

can never be attended with lefs dangerous confequences than in the cafe now before us.

The next that spoke was L. Valerius
Flaccus, whofe Speech was to this
Effect:

Mr. Chairman,
SIR,

A

LTHOUGH the Hon. gentleman, who spoke laft, was not pleafed to give us his own opinion, whether he thought an immediate election of the archduke Jofeph a right or a wrong meafure, yet he found himfelf obliged to acknowledge, that its being a right measure feemed to be the unanimous opinion of this houfe; and indeed, the cafe is fo clear, that I do not fee how it could be otherwife; for if a vacancy in the Imperial throne be an event that must always be attended with the utmost danger of caufing a civil war in Germany, two chances against that event is certainly better than one. Befides, Sir, that it is a right meafure, and that it will tend to preferve the tranquillity of Germany, and confequently the peace of Europe, is evident from the monftrous fubfidies granted by France to fome of the princes of the empire: E To whom does France grant her fubfidies? Not to any of thote princes that are for chufing the archduke Jofeph king of the Romans, but to thofe only who declare themselves against it. Thefe two confiderations, Sir, must convince every unbiaffed man in Europe, that it is the intereft of the empire to have the archduke Jofeph elected king of the Romans as foon as poflible: But princes are like other men; they are often biaffed, and their underftandings hoodwinked by their paffions. Some of them are governed by their ambition, their jealoufy, or their refentment; and this prevents their feeing what fo clearly appears Y

Having now, Sir, confidered this F fubidy in every poflible light, and having fhewn, that in every one it must be deemed a fquandering or worfe than fquandering the publick money of this nation, I hope, my affent to the motion will not be expected; for furely we are not to lay it down as a maxim, that we must grant every foreign fubfidy which our fovereign may be advifed by his minifters to promife, and a refufal

G

Sir W.

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PROCEEDINGS of the POLITICAL CLUB, &c. Feb.

to be the true intereft of their country: These have been carefully culled out by France, and by large fubdies enabled to keep numerous armies on foot, in order to intimidate the reft, or at leaft to render it dangerous for them to purfue the true A interest of their country, by proceeding to an election, and chufing the archduke Jofeph king of the Romans.

Thefe, Sir, are the true circumfances of Germany at prefent, and m fuch circumstances how are we to B behave? Will any gentleman fay, that it is not the intereft of this nation to prevent a civil war in Germany? Will any one fay, that it is not our intereft to preferve not only the union but the activity of the Germanick body? Can it be fup. C pofed, that the empire is not more expofed to the danger of a civil war during a vacancy of the Imperial throne, than when it is full? Can it be fuppofed, that the Germanick body can be fo well united or fo active without a head, as with one ?D What are we then to do? Certainly, to prevent any fuch vacancy if poffible. How are we to do this? The method is plain and obvious: By negotiation, by reafon and argument, we must endeavour to remove the prejudices, to overcome the paffions, E and to convince the understanding of the electors and princes of the empire, that it is their own intereft to proceed as foon as poffible to an election of a king of the Romans, and to make that choice fall upon the archduke Jofeph. But this is not all we have to do: When we have fucceeded in this with any one or more of them, they will of courfe anfuer: We approve of what you fay: We fee that what you propose is right; but there is fuch a one has a great landing army on foot, and G he will prefenty invade us, and fwallow up our whole territory before we can poffibly provide for our defence, hould we comply with what you de.

F

fire, and what we ourselves allow to be right. What reply can we make? Can we make any other, than that we will by a fubfidy enable you to keep up fuch an army as may be fufficient for your defence, until we and our allies can come to your affilance ?

Thus, Sir, gentlemen may fee, that the fubfidy is not given, nor accepted, out of any mercenary view. It is given only to enable our friends to act freely, and to defpife the menaces of thofe, who by their ambition, jealoufy, or refentment are led to oppofe the true intereft of their country, and are hired by France to declare themselves enemies to this nation. As we defire nothing of any of the princes of Germany but what is for their own intereft as well as ours, it is to be hoped that we shall foon engage fuch a party in Germany as will be able to defpife the menaces of the French party in that country, and when we have done this, we have done our bufinefs; for they will be able to protect the reft, and then all true German patriots may act freely, and may without danger declare themfelves in favour of an election of king of the Romans: Nay, even thofe who are now led by their paffions to oppofe that election, when they fee that they can thereby gratify none of their governing paflions, they may give up their oppofition, and join with the reft of their countrymen in fecuring the future quiet of their country. But fuppofe, Sir, that we fhould not fucceed in getting the archduke Jofeph chofen king of the Romans in the life-time of his father, do gentlemen think that the fubfidies we now grant will be of no fervice? Sir, next to preventing a vacancy in the Imperial throne, the principal thing we are to take care of is, that if fuch a misfortune should happen, it shall be of as fhort a continuance as pofiible; and for this purpose the best thing we can do, is to engage beforehand a majority of

the