recent war, even if we decide to extend our sovereignty over the captured islands and such other weak independencies as may hereafter appeal to us for protection; that we are able to secure the establishment of order, conserve the interests of good government in the islands and at the same time not endanger our own institutions. But this conclusion, it must be noticed, is based on certain assumptions quite essential to its validity, viz.:

I. That the patriotic activities which have lead to success in arms will now be directed to an economic and safe adjustment of our political organization to a peace. footing in order that the waste and spoliation that usually follows successful warfare may be averted.

2. That the extension of the sovereignty of the United States over these island possessions for their protection will not increase our own burdens for maintaining our military establishment.

3. That in establishing such a polity we may also adopt a new and more economic system of National appropriations.

4. That we so adjust the civil establishment as to secure (a) an autonomous government in the islands wherever practicable, (b) a merit system of appointments.

5. That the broader political organization given by this policy proposed will be of added commercial and industrial advantage to us, so that our resources shall be strengthened and that we may be in better economic as well as social condition to withstand the National strain. of an international struggle in the event of such an engagement.

Unless these conditions precedent can be complied with we might well not only hesitate but refuse to advance further in the policy of territorial expansion. In any case, it is of far greater importance to us as a nation that every citizen become an active partisan for the payment of the National debt, the economic expenditure of its

resources, the reduction of its tax burdens and an equitable administration of its tax system. Prosperity and political unanimity in support of the government is far more important to the greatness of the nation than any other policy that may be adopted. With a wise administration at home, as trade and commercial interests expand, we will at all times be in condition to extend our sovereignty over any weaker nations who may seek our protection. We must always have a care, however, that this expansion conform to the economic law of advantage; otherwise we ourselves, as well as our wards, will be weakened instead of strengthened.

CHAPTER XVII.

THE DUTIES OF CITIZENSHIP-CONCLUSION.

As already observed, the state or "body politic" presents two essentially different aspects. On the one hand is the legal, the constitutional, the structural element; on the other is the political, the active, the directive. The latter being the element which molds and fashions the law, which gives direction to the institutional, it is this to which we must turn in a consideration of the duties of citizenship. However repulsive the word "politics" may be to some; however unholy its associations have been in the past, the political life being the fountain head of government we cannot hope to purify its currents without beginning here. The national life being involved in its political activities it must be to these activities that duty applies.

But political activities are social in their nature. Political action involves agreement among the people. In a country like our own, there must be an agreement among at least a majority of the members of the political state before any institutional change can be made. One member may form a judgment as to the necessity for action of a particular kind, but before that action can be taken this individual judgment must receive the sanction of many others. There must be agreement: (1) as to what point of the political machine is out of order, i. e., out of harmony with the attainment of the greatest public good; (2) as to the particular change necessary to put the political organism into such adjustment with conditions present as to accomplish the end desired. In considering the duties of citizenship we have to do

with the manner and means of bringing about such agreement, thereby shaping political action to the attainment of the general weal.

But the security of the general welfare being admitted as the end of political activity, who is to determine what that welfare is? When complaint is made of the established order, or a change is proposed, who shall be the arbiter? The people. But by what standard, norm, or law are they to judge? Shall we say self-interest? Then again the question presents itself; by what rule of selfinterest? In other words, the estimate of the individual as to what will be his highest interest will depend on his training, his education, his standard of life. The first duty of the citizen, therefore, must be that of estab lishing and maintaining such standards of life and action among his fellows as will lead them to act in accord with the highest principles of life and social well-being. It is with considerations of this kind that the school, the church, teachings in the social sciences and other means of public instruction have to do. The ability of society to act according to some standard which will not. do violence to the demands of a progressing civilization is the dividing line between ability to control by selfgovernment and the necessity for monarchy. History having demonstrated that the strongest and most advantageous form of political organization is one of broad co-operation-local self-government under the protection of a broad protective polity- the duty of the citizen to maintain the conditions necessary for the maintenance of such a system is plain.

The norm, such as it is-being present in the mind and thought of each individual-it now becomes necessary to consider the duties of citizenship as to the manner and means of securing popular agreement:

First, as to the part of the political machine that is out of adjustment. This presupposes knowledge of condi

tions present. Without this knowledge one would not be competent to judge, by any norm, whether or not the political machine were out of adjustment. To the end that the citizen might be in touch with his surroundings, we have established the constitutional guarantees of peaceable assembly, free thought, free speech, and free press, and made provisions for giving publicity to official acts and for official inquiry into subjects of public interests, executive messages, government reports, etc. The newspaper also has been a potent instrument in keeping the people informed; its inquirers and reporters are on every hand seeking for the information desired, they are untiring in their efforts, they have been of incalculable service to the public. The independent press has also done much. In short, it may be said that the organs for procuring and disseminating knowledge of conditions have been provided. It is the duty of the citizen to make use of them; to encourage efforts at investigation and the publication of results.

As to this form of agreement, however, the people have usually had little difficulty. We may congratulate ourselves that by means of these several agencies we are kept well in touch with our institutions; that we usually know what parts of our political system are out of adjustment. When it is stated that at the present time the interests of the people are suffering by reason of incompetency in office, inequality in elections, the employment of the spoils system in appointments, legislative corruption or the subversion of municipal government in the interest of organized spoliation, the majority are agreed. Or if we are more specific in our statement of conditions and affirm that legislative corruption, for example, appears in the election of United States senators, the gerrymander, etc., this would be consented to. But the query is at once raised: "What are we going to do about