some respect for Lord North. In conversation, he expressed the strongest anxiety for peace with America, and appeared extremely desirous to know my sentiments of the terms, which might probably be acceptable if offered; whether America would not, to obtain peace, grant some superior advantages in trade to Britain, and enter into an alliance, offensive and defensive; whether, if war should be declared against France, we had obliged ourselves by treaty to join with her against England.

My answers have been, that the United States were not fond of war, and with the advice of their friends would probably be easily prevailed with to make peace on equitable terms; but we had no terms committed to us to propose, and I did not choose to mention any; that Britain, having injured us heavily by making this unjust war upon us, might think herself well off, if on reparation of those injuries we admitted her to equal advantages with other nations in commerce; but certainly she had no reason to expect superior; that her known fondness for war, and the many instances of her readiness to engage in wars on frivolous occasions, were probably sufficient to cause an immediate rejection of every proposition for an offensive alliance with her; and that, if she made war against France on our account, a peace with us, at the same time, was impossible; for that, having met with friendship from that generous nation, when we were cruelly oppressed by England, we were under ties stronger than treaties could form, to make common cause; which we should certainly do to the utmost of our power.

Here has also been with me a Mr. Chapman, who says he is a member of the Parliament of Ireland, on his way home from Nice, where he had been for the recovery of his health.

ÆT. 72.]

ENGLISH PEACE-MAKERS.

433 He pretended to call on me only from motives of respect for my character, &c. But, after a few compliments, he entered on a similar discourse, urging much to know what terms would satisfy America, and whether, on having peace and independence granted to us, we should not be willing to submit to the Navigation Act, or give equivalent privileges in trade to Britain. The purport of my answer to him was, in short, that peace was of equal value to England as to us, and independence we were already in possession of; that, therefore, England's offer to grant them to us could not be considered as proposing any favor, or as giving her a right to expect peculiar advantages in commerce. By his importunity, I found his visit was not so occasional as he represented it; and, from some expressions, I conjectured he might be sent by Lord Shelburne to sound me, and collect some information. On the whole, I gather from these conversations, that the opposition, as well as the ministry, are perplexed with the present situation of affairs, and know not which way to turn themselves, or whether it is best to go backward or forward, or what steps to take to extricate that nation from its present dangerous situation.

I thought it right to give your Excellency an account of these interviews, and to acquaint you with my intention of avoiding such hereafter; as I see but little prospect of utility in them, and think they are very liable to hurtful misrepresentations.

By advices from London we learn, that a fleet for Quebec, with goods valued at five hundred thousand pounds sterling, is to sail about the end of this month, under convoy only of a single frigate of thirty guns, in which is to go Governor Haldimand.

Enclosed I send a paper I have just received from Lon

don. It is not subscribed by any name, but I know the hand. It is from an old friend, of general and great acquaintance, and marks strongly the present distress and despair of considerate people in England.*

* To this note the Count de Vergennes was instructed in answer to convey to Dr. Franklin the King's satisfaction. He added:

"The grand principle of the English policy has always been to excite divisions; and it is by such means she expects to sustain her empire; but it is not upon you, nor upon your colleagues, that she can practise such arts with success.

"I doubt whether this member of Parliament has any mission for us; but he desires to see me, and I expect him in the course of the morning. I should not be at all surprised, if his purpose be to sow distrust between us, by proposing a double negotiation. That I can obviate; but whatever passes between us, however trifling it may be, you shall be made acquainted with."-ED.

CHAPTER XV.

New Attempts to corrupt the Commissioners-Pickpocket Commerce-Too many Cooks-Indiscretion of British Commissioners-The WreckersCruelty to American Prisoners-American Extravagance-Named Minister Plenipotentiary.

To Charles de

dated Passy,

July 1, 1778.

1778-1779.

I HAVE received your letter, dated Brussels, Weissentein,* the 16th past. My vanity might possibly be flattered by your expressions of compliment to my understanding, if your proposals did not more clearly manifest a mean opinion of it.

* In a letter to Elbridge Gerry, dated Passy, July 9, 1778, John Adams says:

A long letter containing a project for an agreement with America was thrown into one of our grates. There are reasons to believe it came with the privity of the King (George III.). You may possibly see it some time. Full of flattery, and proposing that America should be governed by a Congress of American peers, to be created and appointed by the King, &c. . . . "Dr. Franklin, to whom this letter was sent, as the writer is supposed to be a friend of his, sent an answer, in which they have received a dose that will make them sick."

Adams continues in his Diary ("Life and Works of John Adams," vol. iii. p. 179):

"Franklin consulted with me, and we agreed, first, to do nothing without previously informing the French court; secondly, as the letter was supposed to come from a friend of Franklin's at the desire, or by orders, of the King,

You conjure me, in the name of the omniscient and just God, before whom I must appear, and by my hopes. of future fame, to consider if some expedient cannot be found to put a stop to the desolation of America, and prevent the miseries of a general war. As I am conscious of having taken every step in my power to prevent the breach, and no one to widen it, I can appear cheerfully before that

that Franklin should write the answer. He produced his draught to me, and it was very explicit, decided, and severe, and in direct terms asserted, that by certain terms in the letter, Franklin knew that it came from the King. We sent a copy of the answer to the Comte de Vergennes, as well as the original letter and project, and asked his Excellency's advice, whether we should send it or not. In a letter, the writer proposed that we should meet him at twelve o'clock precisely, in a certain part of the church of Notre Dame, on a certain day, in order to have a personal conference upon the subject. I know not that the papers were ever returned from Versailles. We received no advice to send the answer. The day after the one appointed to meet the messenger at Notre Dame, the Comte de Vergennes sent us the report of the police of Paris, stating that, at the day, hour, and place appointed, a gentleman appeared, and, finding nobody, wandered about the church, gazing at the statues and pictures, and other curiosities of that magnificent cathedral, never losing sight, however, of the spot appointed, and often returning to it, looking earnestly about, at times, as if he expected somebody. His person, stature, figure, air, complexion, dress, and every thing about him, were accurately and minutely described. He remained two hours in the church, and then went out, was followed through every street, and all his motions watched to the hotel where he lodged. We were told the day he arrived there, the name he assumed, which was Colonel Fitz-something, an Irish name that I have forgotten,-the place he came from, and the time he set off to return.

"In my letter to Mr. Gerry it is inaccurately said that Dr. Franklin sent an answer. It was written, and I supposed it would be sent; it was not. Whether the design was to seduce us Commissioners, or whether it was thought that we should send the project to Congress, and that they might be tempted by it, or that disputes might be excited among the people, I know not. In either case it was very weak and absurd, and betrayed a gross ignorance of the genius of the American people."

The letter of De Weissentein here referred to, and given at length in the text, was found by Mr. Sparks in the French archives.-ED.