THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

While viewing the engrossed copy of the Declaration of American Independence on July 4, 1876, at old Independence Hall, Philadelphia, two strangers drew near, and the following conversation took place: Said Mr. A, in substance, "Well, I suppose that is the original, worldrenowed document, and those the signatures that were written upon it by the unparalleled heroes themselves, in this very room, just one hundred years ago to-day."

"Yes," said Mr. B, hesitatingly, "in the main, you may be right; but, for your statement to be critically correct, I think it will need some modifications."

With manifest surprise Mr. A replied, "I cannot conceive in what particulars. I have always understood the facts as I have stated, indeed the whole scene of the signing was indelibly impressed on my mind when a child, by Trumbull's excellent painting of it-the original of which I suppose is now in the Capitol, at Washington.'

Said Mr. B. "If you care to listen, it will please me to state some of the reasons why I made the remark which surprises you, for I have been something of a student in history."

"Most assuredly. I shall be delighted," replied Mr. A—, "especially after having seen this paper myself, to learn what there is to learn about its history; it is a most important document, which brought into existence one of the most glorious and important nations of the world, and which lies at the foundation of all our free and happy republican institutions."

Mr. B― then went on to say: "In the first place, you assume that the fifty-six signers, as they are called (Mr. Blaine says there were fiftyfive) were all present in this very hall, one hundred years ago, whereas the truth is, some of them were not even members of the Continental Congress at that time."

"You surprise me, sir," said Mr. A. "Be pleased to name those who were not members at the time."

"Well, sir, to begin with, Charles Carroll was elected a delegate from Maryland on that very fourth day of July, 1776; but he did not take his seat until the 18th day of the same month," replied Mr. B———. “Dr. Matthew Thornton was chosen a delegate from New Hampshire, September 12, 1776, but he did not take his seat until the 4th of November

following, four months after July 4, and, of course, neither he nor Charles Carroll signed it until after they had taken their seats. Thornton was the last who signed it, and Dr. Josiah Bartlett from the same colony was the first his name being the first called at the time of the signing. Dr. Benjamin Rush, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, and George Ross, were elected delegates from Pennsylvania on the 20th day of July, 1776, and took their seats shortly after; so they were not present on the 4th.

"You also assume that none other than the fifty-six were then present, whereas Thomas McKean, of Delaware, states, in a letter to Mr. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, under date of September 26, 1796, that he himself was present in Congress, July Fourth, when the final vote was taken on the declaration, and that he personally knew that Henry Wisner, a delegate from New York, was then present, and approved of the declaration, and yet Wisner's name is not among the signers, as you perceive."

"This is all news to me!" exclaimed Mr. A. "You assume," continued Mr. B—, "that the vote on the Fourth approving of the declaration was unanimous, that all present voted for it. But it is certain that John Dickinson, a delegate from Pennsylvania, not only voted against it, but delivered a powerful speech in opposition to it, contending that a compromise with England was desirable and still practicable, and he doubted the policy of the declaration at that particular period, without some preliminary trials of our strength, and before the terms of the confederation had been settled, and foreign assistance made certain. Charley Humphreys and Thomas Willing from Pennsylvania, and George Read from Delaware, likewise voted against the declaration. Besides, although the delegates from New York were present, they all refrained from voting on that Fourth of July, claiming that they were restricted from doing so by that colony.

"Another important error is, that you assume that the declaration was generally signed July 4, 1776, whereas it was generally signed August 2, of that year. No one signed it on the 4th except John Hancock, the presi dent, as every act is signed by the presiding officer that is passed by a deliberative body, simply to attest its passage. Charles Thomson the Secretary, though not a delegate, also attested it.

"For a clear understanding of this whole subject, we need to recall the fact that after the Declaration was passed, and it appeared a bare majority of the delegates of each colony except New York (and they were personally favorable), was in favor of it, it was thought best to adjourn immediately, and return to their respective colonies, and report the state of affairs

to their constituents, hoping that the colonies which had restricted their delegates, among which were New York and Maryland, might be induced to withdraw their restrictions; and that the colonies whose delegates were divided, as Pennsylvania and Delaware, might be led to return such only as favored the declaration. This was done; and Congress, reassembling on the 15th of July, it was found that all present were favorable. On the 19th, Congress resolved that the declaration, which had been made on the 4th, should be engrossed on parchment, and be signed by every member present. It was so produced and signed on August 2. This is the engrossed copy that is before us, and not the original (the latter cannot now be found). On this we do not find the names of Robert R. Livingston, Dickinson, Wisner, Humphreys, and Willing, they not having returned after the recess.

"The fact is, the signing by all the members was not thought of on the 4th; but was a very happy after-thought. By the resolution it was entitled The Unanimous Declaration of the Thirteen United States of America in Congress Assembled.' The expression, The United States of America' was then and there originated and first employed. On the 4th only twelve colonies, and not thirteen, actually voted, as New York had no vote on that day. But her restrictions from voting for independence were recalled on the 9th of July, and on the 15th her delegates gave in their adhesion, and signed the Declaration August 2."

"But how came this colony," asked Mr. A—, "to pass such restrictions? Was she less liberty-loving than the other colonies?"

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Perhaps not," said Mr. B—, "but her situation was most unfortunate-much worse than any other. Her population, which was not then very large, was mainly confined to the city, Long Island, and along the Hudson. For the number of her inhabitants she had many rich men, for those times, and they had much at stake. The British army and navy had possession of the city and the control of the harbor and of the Hudson, and managed all the social, commercial, financial and legal interests of the entire colony. Many of the people were driven from their homes and robbed of their property, and their lives, liberty, and safety, were constantly jeopardized. In reviewing the history of the four signers' from New York-Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris, Philip Livingston, and William Floyd-we may learn how all, especially the wealthy, were situated.

"Doubtless you recollect that the beautiful and fertile manor of Morrisania, belonging to Lewis Morris, consisting of a thousand acres, mostly covered with very fine timber, which, from its proximity to the city, was of incalculable value, was destroyed, his house very greatly injured, his

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fences ruined, his stock driven away, and his family obliged to live in a state of exile.

"Francis Lewis, in 1775, removed his family and effects to his country seat on Long Island, and in the autumn of that year his house was plundered by the British, and his library and valuable papers of every description were destroyed; his wife fell into their power, and was detained a prisoner for several months, without even the comfort of a bed to lie upon, or a change of clothes.

"William Floyd's family, while he was at Philadelphia, attending upon Congress, were obliged to flee for safety to Connecticut. His house was occupied by a company of horsemen, which made it a place of rendezvous during the remainder of the war. Thus, for nearly seven years, he and his family were refugees from their habitation; nor did he, during this long period, derive any benefit from his landed estate.

"Lastly, Philip Livingston's family fled to Kingston to escape the British army; and here they were compelled to remain while he was at Philadelphia, sick and deprived of the consolations of home, though for a few last days of his illness, he was attended by his son Henry, who was at that time a member of General Washington's family."

"I am truly surprised at the wealth you say the New York signers had," said Mr. A-, "and which they risked when they pledged their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor,' by signing the declaration."

"In fact," replied Mr. B, -," there was no poor man among the noble fifty-six, except Samuel Adams, and he had once been very well off. The signers were generally wealthy. The delegates had to advance money for their own necessary expenses, and labor without immediate pay for their services, and therefore none but the rich could accept such offices, however worthy they might otherwise be. It is related of Charles Carroll, the richest man in the colonies, that when he had signed the declaration, some one exclaimed, There go a few million.'

"Further, the truth is that the great question of the entire independence of the colonies from the mother country, although favored by a few of the ablest and boldest of our statesmen, had not been seriously agitated among the masses of the people until the winter of 1775-76, and they were not yet prepared to take this most important step. Several of the colonies had instructed their delegates to join in all measures that might be agreed to in Congress for the advancement of the interests, safety, and dignity of the colonies; but others had directed theirs to refrain from voting for independence. John Dickinson and George Read represented the sentiments of this latter class, although personally, they were no less patriotic

than the other delegates. This was shown by Mr. Dickinson, when a few days after the Fourth, he marched with the American army to face the enemy. He accompanied his regiment to Elizabethtown in July to repel the invading British, and remained there until the end of his term of service."

"In examining these names, I do not find that of Robert R. Livingston of New York," inquired Mr. A—. “I remember that he was appointed on the committee to prepare a declaration, and must, therefore, have been supposed to be favorable to the measure. Why does not his name appear?"

"He was necessarily absent from Philadelphia for several days before the Fourth," said Mr. B-," and, as before remarked, he did not return to Congress until after the recess. The case of Richard Henry Lee, also, looks a little odd, until explained. On the seventh of June he brought the great question before the house by submitting the resolution, 'That these colonies are and of right ought to be free and independent; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown; and that all connection between them and the state of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved.' Now, according to parliamentary usage, he should have been chosen chairman of the committee, and have reported the declaration when drafted. But neither he nor Mr. Jefferson, who penned the document, was its chairman, as would have seemed appropriate; but, it was reported by Benjamin Harrison. The fact was, that on the 10th of June Lee received sudden intelligence of the dangerous illness of his wife, and he left at once for home, and did not return until some time in August.

By the way, several anecdotes are related of this Benjamin Harrison while in Congress. In May, 1775, he and John Hancock were both named for president of Congress, in place of Peyton Randolph. Harrison at once yielded to Hancock, but, seeing him modestly hesitating to take the chair, and being a portly man (almost one-fourth of a ton), of gigantic strength, with characteristic good nature and playfulness, he seized Mr. Hancock in his athletic arms as though he were a child, and bore him to the seat of honor; then, turning around with his honest, beaming face, he said to his amused associates, 'Gentlemen, we will show mother Britain how little we care for her, by making a Massachusetts man president, whom she has excluded from pardon by a public proclamation.' Another anecdote is related of Harrison, how, at the signing he said to Elbridge Gerry, who was a small slight man, 'When the hanging-time comes, I shall have the advantage of you; I am so heavy, it will be over with me in a minute, but you will be kicking in the air half-an-hour after I am gone.' At the same time,