republic, and when this was completed, England was to take it under especial protection. All of which is plainly shown by the letters of Prince Solms to officers of the society, and to the secretary of state under President Houston, threatening a European war in case of annexation. That this plan completely failed is due to the astuteness of the Texan leaders of the period.

To give a brief account of it, the young republic being at that time much embarrassed for means, decided, if possible, to raise $4,000,000 from European governments, the security for the loan to be mortgages on the public lands. When Ashbel Smith, minister from Texas at the Court of St. James, broached the subject, he found himself listened to attentively, but put off from day to day for an answer; for England was then busy with her German colonization scheme, and considered that a much surer and safer way to assist Texas, than by lending her money. At the same time Hamilton had opened similar negotiations at the Court of France, and with every chance of success; but just as everything seemed propitious for securing the $2,000,000 asked for, information reached the French Government of the coalition between England and the German princes. This immediately put a stop to the proceedings, as France considered it would injure the value, to her, of the public lands in Texas if any such condition of things obtained. In 1842 Hamilton wrote the matter home to his President, but Ashbel Smith had already written of this English-German alliance, their letters being now in the archives at Austin. At this juncture the genius of Sam Houston saved Texas to the Americans and outwitted the diplomacy of the Europeans. He renewed the proposition of the annexation of Texas to the United States. This move has often been ascribed to his personal ambition causing him to lose sight of the eventual greatness Texas would attain if she maintained her independence, and so fostered and hastened the development of her enormous natural resources. It has been said that he aimed at the chief magistracy of the two united countries; but the inner history of the English-German alliance proves that only by this astute move on Houston's part could their plans have been defeated. Texas was helpless; burdened with $4,000,000 war debt, sparsely populated, the treasury empty, and constantly menaced by Mexico. If, in addition to this, England was allowed to carry out her scheme, the few thousands of Americans in Texas would find their independence as a nation a position almost impossible to maintain. Hence Houston's persistence in favor of annexation. This fact does not seem to appear in the written history of the country, but it is certain that it played a considerable part in the question of the

union of the two republics-as is fully shown in Houston's letter to Van Zandt, then minister at Washington from Texas, in which he rehearses the situation in reference to the coalition, and instructs his minister to urge upon the President the pressing need of annexation as the only means by which England could be foiled in her plans. In December, 1845, Texas was admitted to the Union, and Great Britain found to her cost that it was a short-sighted policy when she sent German emigrants instead of money to the new republic. She had been completely outwitted by General Houston, becoming in his hands an instrument with which to force annexation. The German princes and noblemen had been thus summarily cut off from a nice little revenue which they would have derived from England as the price paid them for inducing their subjects and countrymen to emigrate.

The history of German emigration to Texas, is one of peculiar interest, and yet, strange to say, it is almost unchronicled. The histories already written of the state simply mention it, inquiring not into its cause nor giving an account of the sufferings and trials attending the establishment of its settlements. Some German manuscripts exist which give a clear insight to their private history, but these are almost unattainable. It only remains, then, to gather from the few eye-witnesses yet living the information desired, drawing from the participants in those scenes such recollections of personal experience and reminiscences of others, as will serve to give a fair idea of the romantic record belonging to these colonies in general and to New Braunfels in particular; a record of endeavor, disaster and final success; the history of a colony which was the offspring of political intrigue, yet was founded on a basis of pretended philanthropy and in a way that appealed directly to the ambition of the many; a colony established not fifty years ago upon American soil, but under the patronage of nobility and the leadership of a prince.

In 1842 the negotiations between England and Germany had assumed definite shape; it was next in order for the German princes to carry out their share of the bargain. About this time the estates of these potentates were suffering from over-population. Much distress existed among the poorer classes, discontent was brewing in all quarters, and every indication pointed to the revolution which came in 1848. The whole situation revealed England's wisdom in choosing these people as her tools, and, as a first step towards the accomplishment of her designs, there was formed in 1843, in Mayence, a society called by the name of that city. It was comprised of twenty-five members, all princes and noblemen. Prince Frederick of Prussia stood at its head, but Count Castell was the soul of the

undertaking, while the Duke of Nassau was considered the protector of the society.

To but a few of its members was the real object of the society divulged. Only the leaders knew of the interest England had in its success, and to them was to be paid the price agreed upon for each emigrant sent over. The nobility generally were drawn into it by being assured that the idea was to establish large bodies of German settlers upon Texas soil, who would ultimately declare their independence of the republic and take rank as a principality under the government of one of their own princes. This would open a wide field to their ambition, and would serve too as a good provision for their younger sons, besides presenting a safe investment for their means and a refuge, perhaps, for themselves and property in case of a revolution in the mother country. All this was imparted by the leaders to the nobility as a secret among themselves, but to the mass of the people and to the world in general its philanthropic aspect was presented, and this was sufficiently praiseworthy to enlist the respect and attention of all. It purported to be the improvement of the lot of the poorer classes by establishing them in homes of their own in America, and supporting them until able to do for themselves; thus to lessen pauperism on their own estates and establish commercial relations between Texas and Germany, which would add materially to the prosperity of both countries. If this pretended view of the movement had been the real motive actuating the subsequent emigration, and the plans of support and encouragement had been carried out according to the original announcement, the Mayence Society would have gone down in history as a benefactor of two nations, instead of receiving scant chronicle as a miserable failure as a political factor, and a fraud practiced upon the defenseless common people of its own land.

Having gathered sufficient means together for its purposes, the society deputed Count Lieningen and Count Boos-Waldeck to act as its agents and travel through Texas and report. This they did and were well pleased with it, especially all that part between the Brazos and the Guadalupe. Here, in Fayette County, they bought a large plantation with negroes, and named it "Plantation Nassau." This place afterwards played an important role in the history of the society in Texas. But little more than forty years have elapsed since its first purchase, yet the information regarding it is meagre in the extreme and its story is hard to unravel. It is certain, however, that it became the headquarters of the officers of the society in Texas. Here they retired for rest and enjoyment, maintaining great style and keeping up much of pomp and ceremony. Its record is

one of romance; it has been both pleasure place and fortress, the scene and subject of strife at arms and in the forum, being for twenty-five years in ceaseless litigation for debt, possession, and murder.

Boos-Waldeck remained in Texas a year, then returned to Germany without having acquired any land for the proposed immigration; but when laying his report before the society he proposed to them a plan which he believed would be feasible and also profitable. His proposition plainly showed that he was not in the secret of the true object of this movement: it was to continue to buy farms and plantations in Texas; to employ the

immigrants at good wages as laborers upon the small farms, but to have the large plantations worked exclusively by slaves. This project being directly opposed to the real design of the society, was promptly rejected; whereupon the count resigned from its membership and severed all connection with its affairs.

During the year of Waldeck's absence in Texas, a great commotion had been made in Germany over the proposed emigration. Pamphlets were issued setting forth the great desirability of Texas as a home, describing its rich lands, its temperate climate, its valleys, forests, and limpid streams. Proclamations were promulgated throughout the German

states, setting forth the advantages to be gained and the favors to be shown the emigrants. It was announced to them that upon their leaving Germany a portion of good land would be secured by written deeds and agreement to each emigrant. The amount called for by this he would receive from the secretary of the society upon his arrival in Texas at his point of destination; this to be a donation, without any present or future consideration being required from the immigrant. The area of the land given was to be in proportion to the size of the family, and would become their free and unrestricted possession as soon as they had resided upon it for three years. During that period the products of the soil would belong solely to the family, "the society demanding only a last claim to land or products." The proclamation continues: "At landing places the emigrants will find wagons ready to take them and their movables gratis to the place of their settlement; also all the necessaries of the journey will be provided. As soon as they arrive at their place of destination blockhouses will be erected for every one, and store-houses for provisions. Tools for gardening and farm-work, seeds and plants of every description will be on hand; they will find also the necessary domestic animals, as plow-oxen, horses, cows, pigs and sheep. All these will be sold to them at a much lower price than they would bring at the nearest market place." All this seemed to offer an Eldorado to those who would emigrate. The common people crowded to the society headquarters, but none were received except such as could take with them not less than six hundred florins a family, or three hundred francs a single man. Of such as these a thousand names were enrolled the first day, some of whom were worth from 10,000 to 20,000 florins. The nobility, having their own private ends in view, joined in with them, and in 1844 all arrangements were completed to send over a great body of colonists, and yet the society did not own an acre of ground on which to locate them! It was then that an adventurer, Bourgeois d'Orvanne, offered the society land granted to him by President Houston of Texas under the law of the republic passed January 4th, 1841. This land bordered on the township of old San Antonio de Bexar. The society purchased this from him, and Prince Solms-Braunfels was sent out in May, 1844, to prepare for the coming of the colonists.

So great was the rush to be a part of this first expedition, that one hundred florins was paid to the society by each emigrant for that privilege and for participating in the promised benefits. Three ships set sail with them in the early fall of 1844, and when these vessels were in midocean, the officers of the society discovered that they could not claim the