having been held at Constantinople under his direction, in the year 815,24 it was forbidden, and the decree enforced by the rigorous punishment of the refractory, who were for the most part monks, under the seditious Theodore Studita. MICHAEL II. BALBUS allowed the practice in private,25 but this did not satisfy the fanatical party; and his successor, THEOPHILUS (829-842), finding that such toleration only led to new encroachments, put in force again the decrees of the council.26 Soon after his death, THEODORA once more gave the sanction of the church to the worship of pictures (A. D. 842),27 and caused a yearly festival (zvolazn the opodosius) to be instituted in commemoration of this final triumph; 28 though we still find some traces of opposition.29 $ 2. CONDITION OF THE GREEK CHURCH. During these controversies, in which the orthodox doctrine was determined always by the caprice of the court, the Greek clergy became to the last degree venal and corrupt; whilst the monks, on the other hand, immiscuerunt oblationibus et vino, et ex hac oblatione post missarum celebrationem dabant communicare volentibus. Alii autem corpus Domini in manus imaginum ponebant, unde communicare volentes accipere fecerunt. Nonnulli vero spreta ecclesia, in communibus domibus, tabulis imaginum pro altariis utebantur, et super eas sacrum ministerium celebrabant, et alia multa his similia illicita, et nostræ religioni contraria in ecclesiis fiebant, quæ a doctioribus et sapientioribus viris satis indigna esse videbantur. 24 cf. Mansi XIV. p. 235 seq. Walch Th. 10. S. 687 ff. Especially Michaelis Ep. ad Lud. P. (l. c.): Propterea statuerunt orthodoxi Imperatores et doctissimi Sacerdotes, locale adunare concilium. - Talia ubique communi consilio fieri prohibuerunt, et imagines de humilioribus locis efferri fecerunt, et eas, quæ in sublimioribus locis positæ erant, ut ipsa pictura pro scriptura haberetur, in suis locis consistere permisserunt, ne ab indoctioribus et infirmioribus adorarentur, sed neque eis lucernas accenderent, neque incensum adolerent, prohibuerunt. 25 Theodori Studitæ vita c. 102 - 122, and Nicolai Stud. vita. 26 Still there are no instances of capital punishment, Walch Th. 10. S. 715 ff. 27 Walch Th. 10. S. 764 ff. and S. 784 ff. Schlosser S. 544 ff. 28 Leo Allatius de Dominicis et hebdomadibus Græcorum annexed to his work De ecclesiæ occidentalis atque orientalis perpetua consensione Colon. Agripp. 1648. 4to. p. 1432. Walch 1. c. S. 799 ff. 29 According to Nicolai Papæ I. epist. ad universos Catholicos (Mansi T. XV. p. 161) he had been told by the Byzantine ambassadors, who were sent to invite him to a Synod at Constantinople A. D. 861, maxime eandem ecclesiam (Constantinopolitanam) ab Iconomachis redivivam contentionem excitantibus vexari, Christumque per singula conventicula blasphemari. Hence the decrees in favor of the pictures at the Synod of Constantinople A. D. 869 can. III. and and VII. Mansi T. XVI. p. 400 and 401, and at that A. D. 879 Mansi T. XVII. p. 494, comp. Walch. Th. 10. S. 808 ff. 1 For instance the Patriarch Anastasius, at first a tool of Leo Isaurus, but changing his opinions under the pretender Artabasus Theophanes, p. 348: κρατήσας τὰ τίμια καὶ ζωοποιὰ ξύλα ὤμοσε τῷ λαῷ· ὅτι μὲ τὸν προσηλωθέντα ἐν αὐτοῖς, οὕτως μοι εἶπε Κωνσταντῖνος ὁ βασιλεὺς, ὅτι μὴ λογίσῃ υἱὸν Θεοῦ εἶναι, ὃν ἔτεκεν ἡ Μαρία, were driven by oppression to the most fearful fanaticism, before which every thing had to bow whenever their cause was triumphant. Under such circumstances little advance could be hoped in the theological sciences. The only writings worthy of mention are those of John Damascenus from the year 730, a monk in the Laura of St. Sabas ( about A. D. 760), 2 and for their historical importance, those of the fanatic Theodore from the year 798, Abbot of Studium († A. D. 826).3 $3. PAULICIANS. Petri Siculi (about the year 870) historia Manichæorum (gr. et lat. ed. Matth. Raderus, Ingolst. 1604. 4to. Latin alone in the Bibl. PP.), Photius adv. Paulianistas s. recentiores Manichæos libb. IV. (in J. Christ. Wolfii anecdotis gr. T. I. et II. Hamb. 1722-23. 8vo. and in Gallandii Bibl. PP. T. XIII. p. 603 seq.)Gibbon, c. 55. A. Neander, der heil Bernhard u. s. Zeitalter. Berlin. 1813. Svo. S. 333. F. Schmidii hist. Paulicianorum Orientalium diss. Hafniæ. 1826. 8vo. Die Paulicianer, an essay in Winer's u. Engelhardt's Neuem krit Journal d. theol. Literat. Bd. 7. St. 1 and 2. Gieseler Untersuchungen über die Geschichte der Paulicianer, in the Theol. Studien u. Kritiken. 1829. Heft. 1. S. 79 ff. [Murd. Mosheim II. p. 118, note. — Tr.] The sect of the Paulicians appeared in Armenia, on the borders of the Greek empire, about the year 660. This sect sprung from the remains of the Gnostics,1 and their tenets were deeply tinged with the Gnostic character. They took the Apostle Paul for their great mod τὸν λεγόμενον Χριστὸν, εἰ μὴ ψιλὸν ἄνθρωπον. ἡ γὰρ Μαρία αὐτὸν ἔτεκεν, ὡς ἔτεκεν ἐμὲ ἡ μήτηρ μου ἡ Μαρία). Constantine punished him in the most exemplary manner, Theoph. p. 353, but; πάλιν δὲ ὡς ὁμόφρονᾷ αὐτοῦ ἐκφοβήσας καὶ δουλώσας ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ τῆς ἱερωσύνης ἐκάθισε. Comp. the manner in which the bishops, who, just before the Synod of Nice had been violently opposed to the worship of pictures (Theoph. p. 389 and the σvyygafù cúvτoμos in Mansi T. XII. p. 990), at once retracted in Act. 1. Mansi XII. p. 1015. * His principal work Πηγὴ γνώσεως in three parts, 1) Τὰ φιλοσοφικά. 2) Περὶ αἱρέσεων, 3) Ἔκδοσις ἀκριβὴς τῆς ὀρθοδόξου πίστεως. - Besides these the 'Isgà Tagáλλnλ. His controversial writings, orations, letters ed. Michael Le Quien. Paris. 1712. 2 voll. fol. 3 His numerous writings, orations, and letters against the opposers of pictureworship, collected in Jac. Sirmondii, opp. T. V. Besides these the xarnxnous (lat. ed. Jo. Livinejus. Antverp. 1602. 8vo. cf. J. J. Muller Studium cœnob. Constant. illustratum diss. philol. hist. Lips. 1721. p. 32 seq.) and much beside in part unprinted cf. Fabricii Bibl. Gr. T. IX. p. 234. 1 Theophanes, p. 413: Μανιχαίοι, οἱ νῦν Παυλικιανοὶ λεγόμενοι και Αθιγγάνοι. But Petrus Sic. p. 43, and Photius I. 4: Mávivra xal Пañàov xal Iwávny (the two sons of Callinice, whom the Catholics considered the founders of the sect) goθύμως ἀναθεματίζουσιν. Phot. I. 6 : τοὺς μὲν ἀληθῶς ὄντας Χριστιανοὺς Ῥωμαίους οἱ προσαλιτήριοι ονομάζουσιν, ἑαυτοῖς δὲ τὴν κλῆσιν — τῶν Χριστιανῶν περιάπτουσιν. 2 The six points of their heresy, according to Petrus Sic. p. 17: I. Duo rerum esse principia, Deum malum et Deum bonum, alium hujus mundi conditorem ac principem, et alium futuri ævi (cf. Photius I. 6: Trigor μiv sivas Diòv Tòv Cougάviov el,3 being led on by a succession of able teachers, (Constantine Sylvanus, the supposed founder of the sect, Simeon Titus, Gegnæsius Timotheus, Josephus Epaphroditus, Baanes, and Sergius Tychicus,) the constant persecutions to which they were subjected, had only the effect of purifying them in their internal,5 and establishing them in their external relations, so that at last they were found not only throughout Asia Minor, but even in Thrace, whither they had been banished by Constantine Copronymus. Michael Rhangabe and Leo Armenus πατέρα, ὃν καὶ τῆς τοῦδε τοῦ παντὸς ἐξουσίας ὑπερορίζουσι, τοῦ μέλλοντος μόνον τὸ κράτος αὐτῷ ἐγχειρίζοντες· ἕτερον δὲ τὸν δημιουργὸν τοῦ κόσμου ᾧ καὶ τὸ κῦρος τοῦ παρόντος aiavos xagízovtaι). They said to the Catholics: Vos creditis in mundi opificem, nos vero in illum, de quo in Evangeliis Dominus loquitur: Quoniam vocem ejus non audistis neque speciem ejus vidistis." Joan. v. 37. II. Deiparam semperque Virginem per odium abjiciunt, nulloque inter bonorum hominum cœtum numero vel loco dignantur, neque Christum ex illa natum (Photius I. 7: ävwDev pèv Tò σῶμα συγκατενεγκεῖν αὐτὸν τερατολογοῦσιν, δι' αὐτῆς δὲ, ὡς διὰ σωλῆνος, διεληλυθέναι) Josephumque ex illa post doinini partum plures liberos suscepisse dicunt. III. a domino non panem et vinum in cœna discipulis propinatum, sed figurate symbola tantum et verba, tanquam panem et vinum, data (Phot. I. 9: rò owTúgion diaTTÚοντες βάπτισμα, ὑποπλάττονται παραδέχεσθαι αὐτὸ, τὰ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου ῥήματα τῇ τοῦ βαπτισματος φωνῇ ὑποβάλλοντες· καὶ γάρ φασιν, ὁ κύριος ἔφη· ἐγώ εἰμι τὸ ὕδωρ τὸ ζῶν). IV. Formam ac vim venerandæ et vivificæ crucis non solum non agnoscunt, sed infinitis etiam contumeliis onerant. V. Veteris testamenti tabulas non admittunt, prophetasque planos et latrones appellant. - Binas vero Catholicas Petri principis Apostolorum, pessime adversus illum affecti, ut quem omnibus maledictis et contumeliis proscindant, non admittunt (Petrus Sic. says to a Catholic, p. 57: Cur non legis sacra Evangelia? The answer is: Nobis profanis ista legere non licet, sed sacerdotibus duntuxat. The other replies: Non ita est, ut putas: nec enim personarum acceptio est apud Deum: omnes siquidem homines vult salvos fieri Dominus, et ad agnitionem veritatis venire). VI. Arcent ab ecclesiæ administratione presbyteros et seniores. Ajunt enim, quod seniores adversus Dominum congregati sint, etc. cf. Photius I. 9: Toùs Tug' avroïs isgśwv τάξιν ἐπέχοντας οὐχ ἱερεῖς, ἀλλὰ συνεκδήμους καὶ νοταρίους ἐπονομάζουσιν (Petrus Sic. : Sergii Sychici discipuli familiariores, quos et Comperegrinos appellabat æquali omnes gradu constituti alios sub se sacerdotes habuerunt, qui ab eis Notarii dicebantur) οὗτοι δὲ οὔτε σχήματι οὔτε διαίτῃ οὔτέ τινι ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ βίον σεμνότερου ἐπιτελοῦντι, τὸ διάφορον αὐτῶν πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος ἐπιδείκνυνται. See Theol. Stud. u. Krit. 1829. 3 The names of their churches were Kibossa (Macedonia), Mananalis (Achaia), Mopsuestia (Ephesus), etc. Photius I. 4. 4 After the death of Sergius discipuli familiariores (uvíxdno) - pari omnes inter se in honore fuerunt, nec unum amplius, ut solebant, cæterorum magistrum designarunt Petr. Sic. in fine. 5 Petrus Sic. p. 59, says of their doctrines before the time of Sergius: Propter grave intemperantiæ cœnum fœdaque facinorum inquinamenta- fugiendi hominibus et abominandi passim judicabantur, quo fiebat, ut pauci ab eis in fraudem pertraherentur. Hic vero (Sergius) rejectis omnibus illorum flagitiis ac libidinibus, blasphemias velut salubria dogmata complexus, virtutes nonnullas callide simulabat, pietatisque specie - certissimus salutis ductor videbatur. And so after his time: His illi artibus ac fuco fallunt et percellunt instabiles, etc. — Photius I. 10: ἡ δὲ πολιτεία τούτων γέμει μὲν ἀκολασίας, γέμει δὲ καὶ μιασμάτων ἀῤῥήτων, καὶ ῥυπασμάτων ἀνεπινοήτων, κ. τ. λ. is to be understood with reference to these passagcs. • Cedrenus ad ann. 752, ed. Paris. p. 463: Kwveravtīvos tùv Ocodosioúmodiv magiλαβεν ἅμα τῇ Μελιτηνή, προσλαβόμενος τοὺς συγγενεῖς αὐτοῦ ̓Αρμενίους καὶ Σύρους αἱρετικοὺς εἰς τε τὸ Βυζάντιον μετῷκισε καὶ τὴν Θρᾴκην· οἱ μέχρι τοῦ νῦν τὴν αἵρεσιν τοῦ τυράννου διακρατοῦσιν· ὑφ ̓ ὧν καὶ ἐπλατύνθη ἡ αἵρεσις τῶν Παυλικιανῶν. renewed the persecutions, and finally Theodora resolved to exterminate them by a general massacre (A. D. 845.) Such inhumanity drove the Paulicians to open hostilities. They established themselves on the borders of the empire in a place called Tephrike, and from hence, with the aid of the Saracens, they continued to harass the Greek provinces. CHAPTER SECOND. HISTORY OF THE WESTERN CHURCH. Anastasii Bibliothecarii (about A. D. 870) liber pontificalis (see vol. i. § 129). THE FRANK HISTORIANS, especially Annales Laurissenses (commonly called plebeii or Loiseliani) from A. D. 741 to 829 (the second part from A. D. 788 by Eginhard): and Annales Eginhardi, or Einhardi A. D. 741-829; a corrected version of the Laurissenses: — Annales Fuldenses A. D. 680 – 901 the original reaches to A. D. 830, and continued in successive portions to 838, 863, 882, 887, and 901 by contemporaries. — Annales Bertiniani A. D. 741 – 882, the original likewise to 830, continued 835-861 by Prudentius, bishop of Troyes, 861-882 by Hincmar, bishop of Rheims. All of these works best edited in the Monumenta Germaniæ historica ed. G. H. Pertz. Scriptorum Tom. 1. Hannover. 1826. fol. Also in Duchesne historiæ Francorum scriptores coetanei. Paris. 1636-49. 5 voll. fol. M. Bouquet Rerum Gallic. et Francic. scriptores. Paris. 1738 - 1818. 17 voll. fol. Eginhardi († 844) vita Caroli M. (ed. Bredow. Helmst. 1806. 8vo.). Monachi Sangallensis de gestis Caroli M., libb. II. (written 884-887, probably not by Notkerus balbulus, see Pertz. Mon. Germ. II. p. 729.) Thegani vita Ludovici Pii (written 835, with additions to 838). (Astronom.) Vita Imp. Lud. P. (Pertz, II. p. 604.) Nithardi historiarum libb. IV. (written 841-843). All in the Mon. Germ. hist. ed. Pertz, as above cited. I. CONVERSION OF THE GERMANS BY BONIFACE. SOURCES: Bonifacii epist. ed. Nic. Serarius, Mogunt. 1605. recus. 1629. 4to. Steph. Würdtwein ibid. 1789. fol. (comp. Allg. Lit. Zeit. Octob. 1790. S. 49 ff.). Bonifacii vita by Willibald [about A. D. 760] in Canisii lection. ant. ed. J. Basnage T. II. P. I. p. 227 seq. by Othlonus [about 1100] ibid. T. III. p. 337 seq. cf. Acta SS. Junii T. I. p. 452. Mabillon Act. SS. Ord. Bened. Sæc. III. P. II. p. 1 seq. WORKS: Nic. Serarii Moguntiacarum rerum [libri V. Mog. 1604. 4to. denuo ed. G. Chr. Johannes, Francof. 1722. fol.] lib. tertius. - Casp. Sagittarii antiquitates gentilismi et christianismi Thuringici. Jenæ. 1685. 4to.-H. Ph. Gudenii diss. de Bonif. Germanorum Apost., and Ejusd. observatt. miscell. ex historia Bonifacii selectæ. Both Helmst. 1720. 4to.-J. S. Semleri diss. de 7 Cedrenus, p. 541. Constantini Porphyrog. Continuator IV. c. 16. propagata per Bonifacium inter Germanos relig. chr. Hal. 1765.-J. F. E. Schmidt's Beytr. zur Kirchengesch. des Mittelalters, Gieszen. 1796. S. 1 ff. The same Kirchengesch. Th. 4to. S. 19 ff.-T. F. Chr. Löffler's Bonifacius, Gotha. 1812. 8vo. [Murd. Mosheim II. 6. Vid. Fleury and Milner ad Boniface. Tr.] - $ 4. The success of Christianity amongst the various German tribes had been just in proportion to the influence of the Franks; and had hitherto been the fruit of the voluntary activity of individuals, rather than of any regular and organized efforts. Ecclesiastical discipline was, of course, unknown to them, and their Christianity was not unfrequently strongly tinged with Paganism. It was in this state of things that Winfried, an English monk, in the true spirit of an age which confounded the Christian religion with conformity to the external forms of the Christian church, and, especially in England, with subjection to the papal power, undertook the conversion of Germany. After an unsuccessful attempt in Friesland (A. D. 715), he went to Rome in the year 718 to procure full powers for the prosecution of his enterprise. His efforts were first crowned with success amongst the Hessians in the neighbourhood of Ameneburg (A. D. 722). Elated at this, Pope Gregory II. at once appointed him bishop under the name of Boniface (A. D. 723), and thus bound him still more closely to the papal interest.3 At the instance of the Pope he was furnished 1 Comp. Gregorii Papæ II. capitulare datum Martiniano Episcopo cæt. in Bavariam ablegatis A. D. 716 Mansi XII. p. 257. Sterzinger v. d. Zustande der baier. Kirche unter Theodo II. in the Abhandl. d. churf. baier. Academie Bd. 10. [München. 1776] S. 137 ff. 2 The document (Othlon. lib. I. c. 12. Bonif. ep. ed. Serarii 118. ed. Würdtw. 2.) closes thus: Disciplinam denique sacramenti, quam ad initiandos Deo prævie credituros tenere studeas, ex formula officiorum sanctæ nostræ sedis apostolicæ, instructionis tuæ gratia prælibata, volumus ut intendas. Quod vero actioni susceptæ tibi deesse perspexeris, nobis, ut valueris, intimare curabis. 3 See the oath of Boniface Othlon. I., 19. in Bonif. epist. 1. c. In nomine Domini Dei et Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi. Imperante domno Leone a Deo coronato magno imperatore anno VI. post consulatum ejus anno VI. Sed et Constantino magno imperatore ejus filio anno IV. indictione VI. Promitto ego Bonifacius, Dei gratia episcopus, tibi beato Petro Apostolorum principi, vicarioque tuo beato Gregorio Papæ et successoribus ejus, per Patrem, et Filium, et Spiritum Sanctum, Trinitatem inseparabilem, et hoc sacratissimum corpus tuum, me omnem fidem et puritatem sanctæ fidei catholicæ exhibere, et in unitate ejusdem fidei Deo operante persistere, in qua omnis Christianorum salus sine dubio esse comprobatur: nullo modo me contra unitatem communis et universalis ecclesiæ suadente quopiam consentire; sed, ut dixi, fidem et puritatem meam atque concursum tibi, et utilitatibus ecclesiæ tuæ, cui a Domino Deo potestas ligandi solvendique data est, et prædicto vicario tuo, atque successoribus ejus per omnia exhibere. Sed et si cognovero antistites contra instituta antiqua sanctorum patrum conversari, cum eis nullam habere communionem aut conjunctionem, sed magis, si valuero prohibere, prohibebo: sin minus, fideliter statim Domno meo Apostolico renunciabo. Quod si, quod absit, contra huius promissionis meæ seriem aliquid facere quolibet modo, seu ingenio vel occasione tentavero, reus inveniar in æterno judicio, ultionem Ananiæ et Sapphiræ incurram, qui vobis etiam de rebus propriis fraudem facere vel falsum dicere præsumserunt. Hunc autem indiculum sacramenti ego Bonifa |