laity was now entirely lost,12 their presumptuous pretensions borne with so much the more impatience, and occasionally not even the sanctity, with which ordination was supposed to invest them, could repress the ebullitions of the fierce hatred with which they were regarded.13

reverentia, sine consideratione. Neque enim signum regni occupare cælestis, aut illius timent imperii gestare coronam, in quibus avaritia regnat, ambitio imperat, dominatur superbia, sed et iniquitas, luxuria etiam principatur: in quibus et pessima forte appareat intra parietes abominatio, si juxta Ezechielis prophetiam (Ezech. viii. 8) parietem fodiamus, ut in domo Dei videamus horrendum. Siquidem post fornicationes, post adulteria, post incestus, nec ipsæ quidem apud aliquos ignominiæ passiones et turpitudinis opera desunt, etc. — Compare Bernhard's contemporaries Gerhohus de corrupto ecclesiæ statu (in Baluzii Miscellan. lib. V. p. 1) and Potho Mon. Prumiensis de statu domus Dei libb. V. (in Bibl. PP. max. T. XXI. p. 489). For the 13th century in particular, Alexandri, P. IV. Ep. ad Archiep. Saltzburgensem et Suffraganeos (in Mansi XXIII. p. 827) A. D. 1258. After admonishing them to vigilance in their duty, the Pope complains: Sed ecce letalis incuriæ sopor pastoralis vitæ vigilantiam, quod gementes dicimus, oppressisse videtur in plurimis, prout testatur nimia de plerisque regionibus clamans christiani populi corruptela: quæ cum deberet ex sacerdotalis antidoti curari medelis, invalescit, proh dolor, ex malorum contagione, quod procedit a clero, ita ut alicubi verum sit, quod et prophetica querela testatur, Factus est, inquiens, sicut populus sic sacerdos (Jes. xxiv. 2). Malitia namque dierum labentium, quæ cum tempore corrupit et mores, dante quam plurimis ex impunitate audacem semper et in deteriora proclivem infrænis licentiæ libertatem, nonnulli clerici præcipiti lubrica voluptatis arbitrio laxas committentes habenas, post carnis suæ concupiscentiam abierunt, et relegata pene penitus a conversatione vitæ suæ clericalis munditie et honestate, tenent etiam in conspectu populi concubinas, cum quibus impudica frontis irreverentiam induentes, fœdas manus et foetidas - non erubescunt sacris ministeriis immiscere. Per tales maxime nomen Domini blasphematur in terris; per tales ergo perdit religionem catholicam devotio reverentiæ Christianæ per tales decipitur populus in Divinis, et ecclesiastica substantia dissipatur: hinc detrahitur verbo Dei, dum immundis labiis talium nunciatur, hinc hæretici mussitant et insultant, hinc tyranni sæviunt, hinc perfidi persequuntur, hinc grassantur audacius in Christi patrimonio sacrilegi exactores: a quibus, proh pudor, ob hujusmodi carnes putridas, quas disciplinalis mucro non resecat, sicut decet, sincerum catholicæ matris corpus in ostentum ducitur et contemptum.

11 Such are the poems of Gualtherus Mapes (see above, § 62). From the 13th century we have in France numerous satires on the manners, which are frequently directed against the vices of the clergy, see Wachlers Gesch. d. Literatur, 2te Ueberarbeit. Th. 2. S. 164 f. In England we have in the Satire the Land of Cokayne, a description of the luxury of the clergy, (see Th. Campbell's History of English Poetry).

12 Thus to the Troubadour Gui d'Uisel, a Canonicus (about 1200), it was said: Vous êtes un noble homme; quoique vous soyez clerc, vous êtes aimé et estimé (Millot hist. litter. des troubadours, T. III. p. 4).

13 As is acknowledged by Boniface VIII. in the passage Clericis laicos infestos oppido tradit antiquitas, (see above, § 59, note 5.) See especially the Troubadours: Bertrand Carbonel, about 1200 (Millot, T. II. p. 439): Ah faux clergé, traitre, menteur, parjure, voleur, débauché, mécréant, tu commets chaque jour tant de désordres publics, que le monde en est dans le trouble et la confusion. S. Pierre n'eut jamais rentes, ni chateaux, ni domaines; jamais il ne prononça excommunications ou interdits: il tint droite la balance d'équité. Vous ne faites pas de même, vous qui pour de l'or excommuniez sans raison; vous qui nous mettez des empechemens, dont on ne peut se tirer qu'à force d'argent, etc. Guillaume Figueira about 1244 (Millot, T. II. p. 454): S'ils s'en vont passer la nuit avec une femme perdue (les faux prédicateurs), ils vont le lendemain toucher avec des mains impures le corps de notre Seigneur. Et c'est une hérésie mortelle, de dire, qu'un prêtre ne doit pas se souiller avec sa concubine, la veille du jour qu'il doit toucher

66.

ESTATES OF THE CLERGY.

It was to no increase of personal consideration, but solely to the circumstances of the time, that the clergy were indebted for the increase of their wealth in this period: - accruing partly from advantageous purchases and mortgages (in particular from the nobles when about to depart for the Holy Land),1 and partly from contracts with the smaller lay-proprietors, who, to escape oppression, adopted the expedient of holding their lands in copy-hold from the clergy.2

But with their bailiffs, or prefects, the prelates had now more trouble than ever.3 To escape from their encroachments, they had le corps de Dieu. Si vous criez contre ce désordre, ils seront vos délateurs, et vous feront excommunier, ne vous laisseront point de repos, que vous ne l'achetiez à prix d'argent. Saint Vierge, faites-moi voir le jour, où ils ne seront plus si redoutables! - Pierre Cardinal, about 1270 (Millot, T. III. p. 247): Les mauvais ecclésiastiques ont réuni tout l'orgueil, toute la cupidité, et toute la trahison du monde. Ils font prêcher, que le vol est défendu, après avoir tout envahi eux mêmes. Vous les voyez sortir tête levée des mauvais lieux, pour aller à l'autel. Rois, empereurs, ducs, comtes et chevaliers avoient coutume de gouverner les états. Mais les clercs ont usurpé sur eux cette autorité, soit à force ouverte, soit par leur hypocrisie et leurs prédications. Grand Dieu, qui nous as racheté, vois à quel point ton église s'est corrumpue! on n'y obtient ni dignité ni prébende, si on ne l'achete des distributeurs à force de services, ou si on n'est leur fils ou le complice de leurs iniquités. On a beau savoir l'écriture; on n'a de considération auprès d'eux, qu'autant qu'on se prête à leur commerce, en perdant tout sentiment d'honneur et de justice. — p. 249. Les gens d'église sont prompts à prendre, et lents à bien faire, beaux de visage, laids par leur péchés; defendant aux autres ce qu'ils font le plus volontiers. - Caïphe et Pilate obtiendroient Dieu

plutôt qu'eux.

Planck, Bd. 4. Absch. 2. S. 345 ff. Examples above, § 51, note 12. Hallmans Gesch. des Ursprungs der Stände in Deutschland. Th. 2. S. 49. Raumer, B. 6. S. 312. Thus Eberhard, Archbishop of Salzburg says, 1159 (Monumenta boica, Vol. III. p. 540): Tempore quo expeditio Jerosolymitana fervore quodam miro et inaudito a sæculis totum commovit fere occidentem, cœperunt singuli, tanquam ultra non redituri, vendere possessiones suas, quas Ecclesiæ secundum facultates suas suis prospicientes utilitatibus emerunt,

2 Montags Gesch. d. deutschen staatsbürgerl. Freiheit. Bd. 2. S. 655 ff. (Hallam's Middle Ages, ch. VII. Tr.)

3 Especially therein that the stewardships or bailiwicks were handed down as family possessions, cut up into small portions, and given as fiefs, see Hullman, 1. c. S. 69 ff. Montag, 1. c. S. 450, 508. Raumer, Bd. 6. S. 383, The strongest case is probably that of Vicedominus Ludovicus, the bailiff of Gottfried, Archbishop of Triers (1124-1128), related by the contemporary Baldricus in his vita Alberonis (in Honthemii hist. Trevir. T. I. p. 468): D. Godefridum Archiepiscopum suis artibus in tantum sibi subegerat, quod dicebat, se in beneficio tenere palatium atque omnes reditus episcopales in illud deferendos, et quod ipse pascere deberet Episcopum cum suis Capellanis, et cætera omnia ad Episcopatum pertinentia de suo esse beneficio. Ad Episcopum autem dicebat pertinere missas, et ordinationes clericorum, et consecrationes ecclesiarum celebrare: sui vero juris dicebat esse terram regere, omniaque in Episcopatu disponere, et militiam tenere. Unde per singulos dies ad prandium Episcopi sextarium vini et duos sextarios cerevisia administrabat, ipse vero cum multitudine hominum in mensa sua quasi magnus princeps quotidie epulabatur splendide, stipatus caterva militum ubique incedebat, et omnibus modis toti terræ principabatur.

recourse either to the protection of the territorial prince, or else, following the example of the Cistercians, who allowed no such office in their convents,5 they sought, by various means, to rid themselves of the bailiffs altogether.6

See General References, vol. I. prefixed to § 93, and § 117.

THE regular succession of new orders and their decay, this again leading to the establishment of other orders, which marks the whole history of Monachism, was in no period more remarkable than in this. In the early part of this period there appeared in France, one after the other, five new orders, all seeking to restore the ancient severity of monastic discipline. These were the Order of Grammont (Ordo Grandimontensis), founded by Stephen of Thiers, A. D. 1073 - 1083,1 the Carthusians (la grande Chartreuse, near Grenoble. Ordo Cartusianus), founded by Bruno of Cologne, A. D. 1084,2 the Order of Fontevraud (Ordo Fontis-Ebraldi), founded by Robert of Arbriscelles, A. D. 1094,3 the Order of St. Antony (Hospitalarii S.

4 See the efforts of the Popes in this matter, above, § 53, 54. The often repeated ordinances of the Popes concerning the Bailiffs in Hüllman, S. 64. tag, S. 488. Raumer, S. 384.

5 Montag, S. 514 ff.

Mon

6 Hullman, S. 80. Eichhorns deutsche Staats- u. Rechtsgeschichte, Bd. 2. S. 423. Raumer, S. 125.

1 Vita S. Stephani by Gerhard, seventh prior of Grammont, in Martene et Durand ampliss. collectio, T. VI. p. 1050 seq. Mabillon. Annal. Ord. S. Ben. T. V. p. 65 seq.; 99 seq. Ejusd. Præf. ad Act. SS. Ord. Ben. T. VI. P. II. p. 34 seq.

-

2 Mabillon Annales, T. V. p. 202 seq. Ejusd. Acta SS. Ord. Ben. T. VI. P. II. p. 52 seq. Acta SS. Antverp. Mens. Oct. T. III. p. 491 seq. ad. d. 6. Oct. The legend of the miraculous call of St. Bruno to forsake the world is first found at the end of the 13th century, and was expunged even from the Breviar. Romanum under Urbanus VIII. Jo. Launoji defensa breviarii Rom. correctio circa hist. S. Brunonis, s. de vera causa secessus S. Brunonis in eremum. Paris, 1646. 8vo. (in Laun. Opp. T. II. P. II. p. 324 seq.)

3 Mabillon Ann. T. V. p. 314 seq. Acta SS. Antverp. Febr. T. III. p. 593 seq. ad d. 25 Febr. See the life of Robert by his contemporary, Baldricus Abb. Burguliensis in Act. SS. 1. c. He renewed the long since forgotten practice mentioned in Vol. I. (see § 71) as is seen in the warnings in Godefridi Abb. Vindocinensis, Lib. IV. Ep. 47. ad Robertum (in Sirmondi Opp. III. p. 549. Bibl.

Antonii Abbatis), founded by Gaston, A. D. 1095,4 and the Cistercians (so called from Citeaux. Ordo Cisterciensis), founded by the abbot Robert, A. D. 1098.5 To these were added, in the twelfth century, the Premonsiratensians, founded by Norbert, a canon of Prémontré (Præmonstratum), A. D. 1120,6 and the Carmelites, founded by a certain Berthold, a native of Calabria, A. D. 1156.7

In the two older orders, on the other hand, the Benedictines and the Cluniacensians, increasing wealth had, as usual, been attended with the increasing desire of independence, honor, and the pleasures of life. This tendency was much strengthened by the popes, who, from the time of Gregory VII., were constantly granting the convents new exemptions,8 and investing the abbots with the episcopal insignia

PP. max. T. XXI. p. 49. That this is not interpolated, as the Bollandists would have us believe, is shown by Mabillon, 1. c. p. 424,) and the letter of Marbod, bishop of Rennes, to Robert (Mabillon, 1. c. p. 425).

4 Acta SS. mens. Januar. T. II. p. 160. J. E. Kappii diss. de fratribus S. Antonii Lips. 1737. 4to.

cf. Relatio, qualiter incepit Ordo Cisterciensis, by an anonymous author, first published in Auberti Mirai chron. Cisterciensis Ordinis. Colon. Agripp. 1614. 8vo. p. 8-30, and there more complete than in Rog. Dodsworthii et Guil. Dugdale monasticon anglicanum, Vol. I. See Holstenii cod. regul. ed. Brockie, T. II. p. 386 seq. - Mabillon Ann. T. V. p. 219, 393 seq. Angeli Manriquez Annales Cistercienses. Ludg. 1642. Vol. IV. in fol. Pierre le Nain Essai de l'histoire de l'ordre de Citeaux. Paris, 1696 s. Vol. IX. in 8vo.

Acta SS. Jun. T. I. p. 804 seq. S. Norberti. Antverp. 1656. 8vo. Charles Hugo). Luxemb. 1704. 4to.

ad d. 6 Jun. Chrysost. van. der Sterre vita La vie de S. Norbert (par le P. Louis

7 This order grew up so unmarked that we are indebted for the first notice of it to the accidental remark of a Greek writer. Johannes Phocas, 1185, in his description of the holy land (in Leon. Allatii Symmicta. Colon. 1654. 8 P. I.) first mentions the hermitage of Elias on Mount Carmel, in the ruin of an ancient convent, and then adds: Πρὸ δέ τινων χρόνων ἀνὴρ μοναχὸς, ἱερεὺς τὴν ἀξίαν, - iğ ἀποκαλύψεως τοῦ Προφήτου τῷ τόπῳ ἐπιδημήσας, ἀδελφοὺς ὡστεὶ δεκὰ συνάξας, νῦν τὸν ἅγιον χῶρον ἐκεῖνον οἰκεῖ. As late as the year 1211 the order was so unimportant that Willibrandus ab Oldenburg in his Itinerarium terræ sanctæ (by Allatius, 1. c.) though he mentions the Mansio Eliæ, takes no notice of it. On the other hand, Jacobus de Vitriaco (1218) in his hist. Hierosol. c. 52 (Gesta Dei per Francos, p. 1075): Alii ad exemplum et imitationem sancti viri et solitarii Éliæ Prophetæ in monte Carmelo - juxta fontem, qui fons Eliæ dicitur — vitam solitariam agebant, etc. In the mean time the order (probably 1209) received its rules from Albert Patr. of Jerusalem (in Holsten. codex regul. ed. Brockie, T. III. p. 18 seq.) and these were confirmed by Pope Honorius III. 1226, with the name Fratres Eremita de monte Carmelo, also Eremita S. Maria de Carmelo, cf. Dan. Papebrochius in Actis SS. April. T. I, p. 774 seq,

5 See Thomassin. P. I. Lib. III. c. 37 seq. Planck, Bd. 4. Abschn. 2. S. 542 ff. Montag, Bd. 2. S. 532 ff. Raumer, Bd. 6. S. 363 ff. 374 ff. how far these exemptions went in some cases, cf. Urbani II. Ep. X. ad Abbatem Cavensem (Mansi XX. p. 652), in which after having bestowed on the convent various important privileges: Apostolicæ ergo memoriæ prædecessoris nostri Gregorii VII. institutis tenacius adhærentes, Cavense cœnobium, -nos quoque hujus nostri privilegii pagina communimus, et ab omni tam sæcularis quam ecclesiasticæ personæ jugo liberum esse omnino decernimus. Concedentes et edicto perpetuo confirmantes, ut tam tu quam successores tui per terras tui monasterii habitas et habendas libere possis ecclesias construere, cum cruce signare, aliaque pontificalia et spiritualia exercere sacrorum ordinum collationis, basilicarum et altarium consecrationis, ac chrismatis confectionis, tibi tuisque successoribus dumtaxat abdicata VOL. II. 36

and rights. For, in proportion as the convents were withdrawn from the superintendence of the bishops, the decline of their discipline was accelerated.10

penitus potestate. Decernentes, ut tam ipsius cœnobii caput, quam ecclesiæ, quas nunc habet, sive plebanæ fuerint, vel rurales, in civitate et diœcesi tantummodo Salernitana situatæ, ab omni jure et jurisdictione episcopali sint exemptæ, de plenitudine potestatis et gratia speciali; ita ut nullo jure seu foro contentioso tu vel tui successores, fratres ipsius monasterii, seu clerici sæculares in prædicta civitate et diœcesi, per Salernitanum præsulem ac capitulum aliquatenus constringantur, quinimo ecclesiæ cum omnibus suis juribus et pertinentiis pleno jure ipsi monasterio sint subditæ. Si vero aliquos de tuis monachis, seu clericos sæculares in ecclesiis civitatis prædictæ et diœcesi commorantes ad sacros elegeris ordines promoveri, liceat tibi tuisque successoribus quemcumque malueris episcopum convocare, dummodo catholicus fuerit, sed in aliis diœcesibus requisito dumtaxat primitus diœcesano. De quibus ecclesiis, sitis in jam dicta civitate et diœcesi, nihil diœcesanus exigere præsumat, imo potius tam monachi, si clerici defuerint, quam ipsi clerici absque quorumlibet contradictione totum officium sacerdotale, quod animarum cura exigit et requirit, exerceant. From legates, who might happen on the convent, the bishop was not to demand quartam vel tertiam partem. The convent had power to give right of burial in its cemeteries to whomsoever should desire it, etc.

? The use of the Dalmatica and the Sandals had before been granted to several Abbots (Montag, Bd. 2 S. 238); the bishop's mitra and chirothecæ (hence Abbates mitrati s. infulati) were first allowed to the Abbot of St. Maximin in Trier by Gregory VII. (Aubert. Mirai hist. diplom. Belgic. c. 1.); then to the Abbot of Clugny by Urbanus II., (confirmed by Paschalis II. Epist. 74. in Mansi XX. p. 1043): to the Abbot of Fulda mitra and annulus by Innocent II. A. D. 1137 (Schannat Cod. Prob. hist. Fuld. p. 174). Comp. Petri Blesensis, Ep. 90, below, note 10) Thomas Cantipratensis (about 1255) bonum universale de Apibus, Lib. 1. c. 6. no. 2, 3, says that at first these insignia were very rare, but afterwards were pro cured by many of the abbots at great expense. Gregory IX. permitted, 1136, the Abbo of the Benedictine convent, S. Facundi, indumenta sacerdotalia benedicere, ac monachos, et clericos sæculares monasterio ipsi pleno jure subjectos usque ad Acolytatus ordinem promovere (see the bull in Emm. Roderici nova collectio privilegiorum mendicantium, Antverp. 1623. fol. p. 12.).

10 See Bernhardi tract. ad Henr. Senon. Archiep. c. 9. and de consider. III., 4. below, note 14. Petri Blesensis, ep. 68, ad Alexandrum III. (see note 8) cites the words of the Abbot of Malmsbury: Viles sunt Abbates et miseri, qui potestatem Episcoporum prorsus non exterminant, cum pro annua auri uncia plenam a sede Romana possint assequi libertatem and says: Adversus Primates et Episcopos intumescunt Abbates, nec est, qui majoribus suis reverentiam exhibeat et honorem. Evacuatum est obedientiæ jugum, in qua erat unica spes salutis, et prævaricationis antiquæ remedium. Detestantur Abbates habere suorum excessuum correctorem, vagam impunitatis licentiam amplectuntur, claustralisque militiæ jugum relaxant in omnem desiderii libertatem. Hinc est, quod monasteriorum fere omnium facultates datæ sunt in direptionem et prædam. Nam Abbates exterius curam carnis in desideriis agunt, non curantes, dummodo laute exhibeantur, ut fiat pax in diebus: eorum claustrales vero, tamquam acephali, otio vacant et vaniloquio: nec enim præsidem habent, qui eos ad frugem vitæ melioris inclinet. Quodsi tumultuosas eorum contentiones audiretis, claustrum non multum differre crederetis a foro. Quid est eximere ab Episcoporum jurisdictione Abbates, nisi contumaciam ac rebellionem præcipere, et armare filios in parentes? Videant, quæso, ista, et judicent, qui judicant orbem terræ, ne inde emanare videantur injuriæ, unde jura sumuntur. - Scimus equidem, quod ob quietem monasteriorum, et Episcoporum tyrannidem has exemptiones plerumque Romani Pontifices indulserunt: verumtamen in contrarium res versa est. Monasteria enim, quæ hoc beneficium damnatissimæ libertatis, sive Apostolica auctoritate, sive, quod frequentius est, bullis adulterinis adepta sunt, plus inquietudinis, plus inobedientiæ, plus inopiæ incurrerunt: ideoque et multæ domus, quæ nominatissimæ