If the number of letters should be increased, it would reduce the item of nineteen-hundredths still lower; but whether reduced or not, the cost per letter, for mere transmission, was found to be so small, as to prove the justice of uniformity of change without respect to distance.

It will be seen, however, that uniformity of rates is based upon uniformity in weight of letters; and, where the weight of the letter is in excess of the standard allowed, the rates ought to be doubled, or trebled, or still more increased, as the case may be. But the principle of increase should be by weight, and not by the number of pieces, irrespective of weight, as is now the case. It is clearly unjust to the letter-writer to compel him to pay, on a sheet of thin paper and bank-note, double the rate of the coarse foolscap sheet that travels in its company, and weighs double. No feature of the law tends so much to injure the department as this; for seldom does the sender of a double or treble letter employ the post-office, if he can avoid it. Of the innumerable bank-notes, bills of exchange, and commercial obligations, that travel in letters, a very small proportion go through the mails. The limits of this article will permit no more than an allusion to this subject; but its injustice to the public is self-evident, as also its evil effect upon the revenue of the post-office.

Should an investigation be made, and should it be proved by the result that a uniform rate would come as near, or nearer, to exact justice, than differential rates, a question would then arise what that rate ought to be. To make the calculations necessary to determine this question, is beyond the power of any individual, who has not at his command the information and statistics that can be furnished by the post-office department only. A moment's reflection, however, will be sufficient to show that this rate would be found much lower than is generally supposed-certainly below five cents, for a single letter.

The present revenue of the department is probably about four and a half millions annually, from all sources. This is furnished by the postage collected on newspapers, pamphlets, and letters.

By the booksellers' memorial to Congress, 1842, it is stated that the quantity of newspapers annually printed in the United States is three hundred millions. If one-ninth, only, of these pass through the mails, it would be thirty-three millions annually. The postage on these papers, with the pamphlets, &c., might leave the amount of four millions of dollars to be derived from letter postage. This sum, at an average postage of twelve and a half cents, would represent thirty-two millions of letters. The franked letters and free matter are estimated, by many persons, to amount to more than the postage-paying part of the mail. Whether it is so in number, or not, it undoubtedly does engross a great share of the weight. But, estimating the value of it at the same, it would give thirtytwo millions of letters more.

These three amounts, added together, would give ninety-seven mil. lions; or, roundly stated, the transmission of mail matter, of all kinds, may amount to one hundred millions of letters, &c., per annum.

It

If this estimate is anywhere near the truth, what does it show? shows that, to transmit one hundred millions of letters, papers, &c., through the country, the government pay as follows:

These two items are the cost of reception and delivery; and, averaged upon the number of one hundred millions, gives the cost of each 1,3% cents, nearly.

The amount paid for transportation of the mails, from the same report, was, for the year, $3,145,000. This is the cost of transportation; and, averaged upon one hundred millions, gives the cost of each 3 cents, nearly.

The two items make, together, the total cost four and a half cents. The newspapers, now paying under four and a half cents, being taken into the account, would carry the letter postage above it; but we are confident that an accurate investigation would prove that the average cost of reception, transmission, and delivery, for single letters, to the government, would be under five cents each. But, supposing the postage to be now reduced to the uniform rate of four or five cents for letters under half an ounce in weight, franking abolished, and payment in advance required for everything sent through the mails, this cost would, no doubt, be materially reduced.

It is evident that mail contractors base their contracts upon the quantity of matter they may, under ordinary circumstances, be expected to carry. A railroad, for example, appropriates a car to the mails. If the car is empty, or full, the charge to the government is the same; the cost per letter being very high when the bags are empty, and very low when the bags are full. If the franking privilege were abolished, not only would room be provided for an immense increase of paying matter, without increasing the present weight of the mails, but the number of letters, being increased four-fold, would probably add little or nothing to the present cost of transportation.

Would the quantity of letters increase? Undoubtedly it would, at the low rate of four or five cents. At this rate, the government might rea

sonably expect to carry as follows:

1. Newspapers, as at present-call this.... 2. Letters now paying postage,.....

3. Free matter, now carried by the mail,..

Present amount of the mails,.......

1

4. Letters now sent by private hand, evasion, by writing on newspapers, &c., esti. mated at double the number sent by the mails, but call it same as those now paying, 5. Increased correspondence, in consequence of low rates, from persons at present writing letters, would double the present paying-letters.......

}

Total from present letter-writers,.....

13

Add, for mercantile circulars, advertisements, catalogues, invoices of goods, and from the poorer classes of the community, who would be glad to write occasionally, but who, on account of the high postages, do not write at all,................

Total,........

2

}

This estimate is undoubtedly much below the truth. The results, in the English post-office, show a much greater increase than is here supposed. But, if the quantity of paying matter were only doubled, it would be found that, if the present cost to the government is four and a half cents per letter, it would, by doubling the quantity, be reduced to two and a quarter; or, in other words, the government could carry the newspapers, as at present, for one cent, and the letters for three cents, from any one part of the country to any other part.

All experience goes to show that a reduction in price of any commodity, universally desired by the people, increases its consumption in a greater proportion than the price is reduced. It would be interesting if the statistics of different railroad and steamboat companies, who have carried passengers for low fares, could be collected and analyzed, so as to discover the proportion in which numbers increase as price decreases. The North river steamers would be found to carry a thousand passengers at a trip, at a fare of twenty-five cents; while, at two dollars, they would scarcely carry a hundred. There is a curious propensity in people to avail themselves of any facility that happens to be cheap-the very cheapness of the article being a temptation to enjoy it, that is frequently irresistible. There is an illustration of this principle in the letter of the Irishman to his son, when the postage from London to Dublin was reduced from one shilling to one penny. "Write often," says he; "every letter you write saves eleven pence."

We copy here some statistics, brought forward in England at the time the reform of the post-office was in agitation, for the purpose of showing that the reduction of the rate would not only increase the quantity of letters, but not diminish the income of the department. They establish both points conclusively.

In 1781, Mr. Pitt made a reduction in the duty on tea, which reduced the price about one-third. The following is a statement of the effects of a diminished price upon consumption :—

In 1837, the rates of admission to the tower of London were reduced from 3s. to 1s., and in 1839, further reduced to 6d. The following is a statement of the effect of these reductions, taking the time from May to November, in each year :

About five years since, the stamp duty on newspapers in England was reduced, we believe, from 4d., with 20 per cent discount, to one penny, with the following effect upon their circulation :—

At the same time, the duty upon advertisements was also reduced, and with the following effect :

To these might be added the statistics of the railroads in this country and in England; which, as before remarked, find success to result from the very principle we are recommending for the post-office. We have not at hand statistics of the roads in this country; and if we had, it would not be necessary to copy them here, as enough has been said to establish our position. The returns of some of the English railways are before us, and we copy from them the following statement :

The management of the post-office, by the government, is a close monopoly. All competition is, by the hand of power, driven, or attempted to be driven, from the field. It is the only remnant of a system of monopolies which existed in earlier ages; but which, before advancing knowledge and wisdom, have been, one after another, abolished. It is a question with many whether this should not be abolished; but, properly managed, the people would, no doubt, be contented to let it remain. All the evidence collected by the British government in their investigations, previous to the adoption of the new system, tended to establish the fact that, at rates approximating towards those at which private individuals could afford to do the business, the government establishment would be universally preferred. Let it remain, then, but on condition only that the government, in carrying on their trade, conduct their operations on sound commercial principles, and sell the commodity they offer at its fair natural price.

Our railroads, as before stated, depend for success upon the very principle we have stated in respect to the post-office. Their income is enhanced, not by the high rates they can charge each single passenger, but by the numbers they can carry at once. Thus these corporations have laid out their money by millions, upon a calculation of profit, based upon this principle; and experience has everywhere demonstrated its correctness, by the success that has attended them in their business of carrying passengers and freight at rates lower than were ever dreamed of before their introduction. And shall the government, with the vast means and resources of the country at its command, hesitate at an experiment that a private company would laugh at?

What is wanted, is a complete remodelling of the whole post-office system. We want a much-reduced and uniform rate of postages. We want the entire abolition of franking, and free transmission of every kind. We e want, on the score of economy, prepayment of postages, by stamps or otherwise, so that every man may be his own M. C., and frank his own letters. We want the principle of increase in the rates to be that of weight only. We want the whole system to be so arranged that its benefits may be enjoyed by all classes, the poor as well as the rich, and

become what it should be-the life-blood of our social and commercial system.

What shall be done? Are we to wait the tardy movements of government, and of politicians who are more busy at president-making than in promoting the public welfare? Let the people put their own shoulders to the wheel, and cease to call upon Hercules. Let meetings be called in the principal cities, and committees of correspondence appointed. Let a committee of inquiry be raised from the best qualified men in the country, and funds provided, by a very small contribution from citizens who feel an interest in the matter, to enable them to make a thorough investigation of the whole system, and collect statistics which will expose the abuses of that system. Let facts be published to awaken the public mind, so that a memorial to Congress shall be backed by the strong power of the public voice, and the work will be done.

ART. III.-OUR TRADE WITH THE BRITISH COLONIES.

THE Commerce of the United States with the colonies of Great Britain, has long been considerable in its amount. During the earliest period of our own colonial existence, our trade with these colonies was of no little value; and, since we have arrived at the position of an independent country, it has constituted a subject of strenuous negotiation between the two governments. It is the design of this article to trace briefly the progress of our commercial relations with those colonies, as it is now a matter of pecuniary interest to the commerce of the nation.

By our commerce with the British colonies, we mean the commercial intercourse which is carried on by our own country with the British West India islands, the settlements upon the South American continent, and their continental and insular North American possessions. It is well known that, before the revolution, the proximity of the islands of the West Indies to the shores of the United States laid a natural foundation for a beneficial commerce, that was long carried on between their respective ports. During the years 1771, 1772, and 1773, the colonies now forming our country had exported to those islands freights to the annual amount of about three millions of dollars, for which we received rum and molasses to the value of about two millions, our own being the only market opened to the West India planters for those articles, as there was a very small consumption of them in England. About one million of dollars, the balance of the trade, was annually paid in specie; the articles given for it, however, being necessaries of life, such as bread, salted provisions, fish, lumber, boards and shingles, hoops and staves, hogs and poultry, horses and oxen. The continent of North America, indeed, appeared formed by nature to supply those articles to the islands, because they could not produce them with advantage to themselves. The capital expended upon the cultivation of sugar and coffee, would have been unprofitably invested in the production of hoops or staves, grass or grain. They could not be supplied from the mother country, to whose ports their trade was principally confined. Besides, the voyage was much longer; the charges of freight and insurance were greater. Great Britain could not even produce her own lumber for herself; the grain and flour frequently suffered