for each die. I shall try if it is not possible to have the others done cheaper.

Our exchange of prisoners has been for some time at a stand, the English admiralty refusing after long consideration to give us any men in return for those who had been dismissed by our armed vessels on parole, and the actual prisoners we had being all exchanged. When the squadron of commodore Jones arrived in the Texel with five hundred English prisoners, I proposed exchanging there; but this was declined, in expectation, as I heard from England, of retaking them in their way to France. The stay of our ships in Holland, through the favor of the states being prolonged, and the squadrons stationed to intercept us, being tired of cruising for us, the British ministry consented at length to a cartel with France, and brought Frenchmen to Holland to exchange for those prisoners instead of Americans. These proceedings have occasioned our poor people to be kept longer in confinement; but the minister of the marine having given orders that I should have as many English, another cartel charged with Americans is now daily expected, and I hope in a few months to see them all at liberty. This for their sakes, and also to save us expense; for their long and hard imprisonment induces many to hazard attempts of escaping, and those who get away through London, and Holland, and come to Paris in their way to some seaport in France, cost one with another I believe near twenty pounds sterling a head. The delays in the exchange, have I think been lengthened by the admiralty, partly with the view of breaking the patience of our people, and inducing them to enter the English service. They have spared no pains for this purpose, and have prevailed with some. The number of these has not indeed been great, and several of them lost their lives in the blowing up of the Quebec. I am also lately informed from London, that the flags of truce with prisoners from Boston, one of which is seized as British property, will obtain no Americans in exchange; the returned English being told that they had no authority or right to make such agree

ments with the rebels, &c. This is not the only instance in which it appears that a few late successes have given that nation another hour of insolence. And yet their affairs upon the whole, wear a very unpromising aspect. They have not yet been able to find any allies in Europe; Holland grows daily less and less disposed to comply with their requisitions; Ireland is not satisfied, but is making new demands; Scotland and the Protestants in England are uneasy; and the associations of counties in England, with the committees of correspondence, to make reforms in the government all taken together, give a good deal of apprehension at present, even to their mad ministers; while their debt, on the point of amounting to the amazing sum of two hundred millions, hangs as a millstone upon the neck of their credit, and must ere long, sink it beyond redemption. The disposition of this court continues as favorable as ever, though it cannot comply with all our demands. The supplies required in the invoice sent me by the committee, appeared too great and numerous to be immediately furnished. Three millions of livres were, however, granted me, with which, after deducting what will be necessary to pay the interest bills and other late drafts of congress, I could not venture on ordering more than ten thousand suits of clothes. With these we shall have fifteen thousand arms and accou trements. A good deal of cloth goes over in the Alliance, purchased by Mr. Ross, which it is computed may make seven or eight thousand suits more. But although we have not obtained that invoice of goods, this court, being at immense expense in the preparations for the next campaign, I have reason to believe that a part of those preparations will be employed in essential assistance to the United States, and I hope effectual, though at present I cannot be more particular.

I have sent to Mr. Johnson the vote of congress, relative to the settlement of the accounts. He has expressed his readiness to enter on the service. Mr. Deane is soon expected here, whose presence is very necessary, and I hope with his help they may be gone through without much difficulty.

I could have wished it had suited Mr. Lee to have been here at the same time. The marquis de la Fayette, who during his residence in France, has been extremely zealous in supporting our cause on all occasions, returns again to fight for it. He is infinitely esteemed and beloved here, and I am persuaded will do every thing in his power to merit a continuance of the same affection from America. With the greatest respect, I have the honor to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

SIR,

To the minister of Denmark for foreign affairs.

Passy, near Paris, December 21, 1779.

I HAVE received a letter from M. de Chezaulx, consul of France at Bergen in Norway, acquainting me that two ships, viz. the Betsey and the Union, prizes taken from the English on their coasts, by captain Landais, commander of the Alliance frigate, appertaining to the United States of North America, which prizes having met with bad weather at sea, that had damaged their rigging and occasioned leaks, and being weakly manned, had taken shelter in the supposed neutral port of Bergen, in order to repair their damages, procure an additional number of sailors, and the necessary refreshments; that they were in the said port enjoying, as they conceived, the common rights of hospitality, established and practised by civilized nations, under the care of the above said consul, when, on the 28th of October last, the said ships with their cargoes and papers, were suddenly seized by officers of his majesty the king of Denmark, to whom the said port belongs, the American officers and seamen turned out of their possession, and the whole delivered to the English consul. M. de Chezaulx has also sent me the following, as a translation of his majesty's order, by which the above proceedings are said to be authorised, viz. "Le ministre d'Anglétere ayant insisté sur la restitution de deux Batiments dont s'etoit emparé le corsaire Americain nommé l'Alliance commandé par le

cap. Landais, et qui ont été conduites à Bergen, savoir, the Betsey de Liverpool et l'Union de Londres, sa majesté lui a accordé cette demande, sur le fondement qúelle n'a pas encore reconnue l'Independance des colonies associées contre L'Angleterre, et parceque ces batiments à cause de cela, ne peuvent pas être regardés comme bonnes et légiti mes prises; c'est pourquoi les dits deux navires seront sans retardement declarés libres, et auront la liberté de partir avec leur chargements."

TRANSLATION.

"The English minister having insisted on the restitution of two vessels which had been taken by the American privateer called the Alliance, commanded by captain Landais, and which were brought into Bergen, viz. the Betsey of Liverpool, and the Union of London; his majesty has granted this demand, on this account, because he has not as yet acknowleged the independence of the colonies associated against England, and because that these vessels for this reason cannot be considered as good and lawful prizes; therefore the said two ships shall be immediately liberated and allowed to depart with their cargoes."

By a subsequent letter from the same consul, I am informed, that a third prize belonging to the United States, viz. the Charming Polly, which arrived a Bergen, after the others, has also been seized and delivered up in the same manner, and that all the people of the three vessels, after being thus stript of their property (for every one of them had an interest in the prizes) were turned on shore to shift for themselves, without money, in a strange place, no provision being made for their subsistence or for sending them back to their country. Permit me, sir, to observe on this occasion, that the United States of America, have no war but with the English; they have never done any injury to other nations, particularly none to the Danish nation. On the contrary they are in some degree its benefactors, as they have opened a trade of which the English made a monopoly, and of which the Danes may now have their share; and by dividing the British empire, have made it less dan

gerous to its neighbors. They conceived that every nation. whom they had not offended, was by the rights of humanity their friend; they confided in the hospitality of Denmark, and thought themselves and their property safe when under the roof of his Danish majesty. But they find themselves stript of that property, and the same given up to their enemies, on this principle only, that no acknow legement had yet been formally made by Denmark of the independence of the United States: which is to say, that there is no obligation of justice towards any nation, with whom a treaty promising the same, has not been previously made. This was indeed the doctrine of ancient barbarians, a doctrine long since exploded, and which it would not be for the honor of the present age to revive, and it is hoped that Denmark will not, by supporting and persisting in this decision, obtained of his majesty apparently by surprise, be the first modern nation that shall attempt to revive it. The United States oppressed by, and in war with one of the most powerful nations of Europe, may well be supposed incapable in their present infant state of exacting justice from other nations not disposed to grant it; but it is in human nature that injuries as well as benefits received in times of weakness and distress, national as well as personal, make deep and lasting impressions; and those ministers are wise who look into futurity, and quench the first sparks of misunderstand ing between two nations, which, neglected, may, in time grow into a flame, all the consequences whereof no human prudence can foresee, which may produce much mischief to both, and cannot possibly produce any good to either. I beg leave through your excellency to submit these consi

1 "The ancients, (says Vattel, &c.) " do not conceive themselves bound under any obligation towards a people with whom they were not connected by a treaty of friendship. At length the voice of nature was heard by civilized nations; they acknowleged all mankind as brothers." An injustice of the same kind, done a century or two since, by some English in the East Indies, Grotius tells us was not without its partisans, who inaintain, that by the ancient laws of England, no one was liable to punishment in that kingdom for outrages committed against foreigners, when no treaty of alliance had been con.. tracted with them." But this principle he condemns in the strongest terms. "History of the troubles in the Netherlands, book 16.'! G