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cautious of doing any thing that may seem assuming a power that he is not vested with.

Friday the 14th, Mr. Boeris called again, wishing to know if Mr. Grenville's courier was returned, and whether the treaty was likely to go on. I could give him no information. He told me that it was intended in Holland, in answer to the last Russian memorial, to say that they could not now enter into a particular treaty with England: that they thought it more glorious for her imperial majesty to be the mediatrix in a general treaty, and wished her to name the place. I said to him, as you tell me that their high mightinesses are not well satisfied with Russia, and had rather avoid her mediation, would it not be better to omit the proposition, at least, of her naming the place, especially as France, and England, and America, have already agreed to treat at Paris. He replied, it might be better; but, says he, we have no politicians among us. I advised him then to write, and get that omitted, as I understood it would be a week before the answer was concluded on. He did not seem to think his writing would be of much importance. I have observed that his colleague, Mr. Vanderpiene, has a greater opinion, by far, of his own influence and consequence.

Saturday, 15th instant, Mr. Oswald came out to breakfast with me. We afterwards took a walk in the garden,

when he told me that Mr. Grenville's courier returned last night, that he received by him a letter from Mrs. Oswald, but not a line from the ministry; nor had he heard a word from them since his arrival, nor had he heard of any news brought by the courier. That he should have gone to see Mr. Grenville this morning, but had omitted it, that gentleman being subject to morning headaches, which prevented his rising so early. I said I supposed he would go to Versailles, and call on me on his return. We had a little farther discourse, having no new subject.

Mr. Oswald left me about noon; and soon after Mr. Grenville came, and acquainted me with the return of his

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courier, and that he had brought the full powers: that he, Mr. G. had been at Versailles, and left a copy with M. de Vergennes that the instrument was in the same terms with the former, except that after the power to treat with the king of France, or his ministers, there was an addition of words, importing a power to treat with the ministers of other prince or state, whom it might concern: that M. de Vergennes had at first objected to these general words, as not being particular enough; but said, he would lay it before the king, and communicate it to the ministers of the belligerent powers, and that Mr. Grenville should hear from him on Monday. Mr. Grenville added, that he had further informed M. de Vergennes of his being now instructed to make a proposition, as a basis for the intended treaty, to wit, the peace of 1763. That the proposition intended to be made, under his first powers, not being then received, was now changed; and instead of proposing to allow the independence of America, on condition of England's being put in the situation she was in at the peace of 1763, he was now authorised to declare the independence of America, previous to the treaty, as a voluntary act, and to propose separately as a basis, the treaty of '63. This also M. de Vergennes undertook to lay before the king, and communicate to me. Mr. Grenville then said to me, he hoped all difficulties were now removed, and that we might proceed in the good work. I asked him if the enabling bill was passed. He said no; it had passed the commons, and had been once read in the house of lords, but was not yet completed, I remarked, that the usual time approached for prorogation of parliament, and possibly this business might be omitted. He said, that there was no danger of that, the parliament would not rise this year till the middle of July. The India affairs had put back other business which must be done, and would require a prolongation of the session until that time. I then observed to him, that though we Americans considered ourselves as a distinct independent power or state; yet as the British government had always hitherto affected to consider us only as rebellious subjects,

and as the enabling act was not yet passed, I did not think it could be fairly supposed that his court intended, by the general words, any other province or state, to include a people whom they did not allow to be a state; and that therefore I doubted the sufficiency of his power as to treating with America, though it might be good as to Spain and Holland. He replied, that he himself had no doubt of the sufficiency of his power, and was willing to act upon it. I then desired to have a copy of the power, which he accordingly promised me. He would have entered into conversation on the topic of reconciliation; but I chose still to wave it till I should find the negociation more certainly commenced: and I shewed him the London paper, containing the article above transcribed, that he might see how our conversations were misrepresented, and how hazardous it must be for me to make any propositions of the kind at present. He seemed to treat the newspaper lightly as of no consequence. But I observed, that when he had finished the reading of the article, he turned to the beginning of the paper to see the date, which made me suspect that he doubted whither it might not have taken its rise from some of his letters. When he left me, I went to dine with M. de Chaumont, who had invited me to meet there Mr. Walpole at his request. We shook hands; it was near two years since we had seen each other. Then stepping aside, he thanked me for having communicated to him lord Shelburne's letter to Mr. Oswald; thought it odd that Mr. O. himself had not spoke to him about it; said he had received a letter from Mr. Fox upon the affair of St. Eustatia, in which there were some general words expressing a desire of peace; that he had mentioned this to M. le marquis de Castries, who had refered him to M. de Vergennes, but he did not think it a sufficient authority for him to go to that minister. It was known that he had business with the minister of the marine on the other affair, and therefore his going to him was not taken notice of; but if he had gone to M. de Vergennes, minister of foreign affairs, it would have occasioned speculation, and much discourse; that he had therefore avoided it till he should be

authorised, and had written accordingly to Mr. Fox, but that in the mean time, Mr. Oswald had been chosen, on the supposition that he (Mr. Walpole) and I were at variance. He spoke of Mr. Oswald as an odd kind of a man; but that indeed his nation were generally odd people, &c. We dined pleasantly together with the family, and parted agreeably, without entering into any particulars of the business. Count D'Estaing was at this dinner, and I met him again at Madame Brillon's.

There is at present, among the people much censure of count de Grasse's conduct, and a general wish that count D'Estaing had the command in America. I avoided meddling or even speaking on the subject, as improper for me, though I much esteem that commander.

Sunday 16th, I heard nothing from Versailles; I received a letter from Mr. Adams, acquainting me that he had drawn upon me for a quarter's salary, which he hoped would be the last, as he now found himself in a way of getting some money there, though not much. But he says 、 not a word in answer to my late letters on public affairs, nor have I had any line from Mr. Laurens, which I wonder at. I received also a letter from Mr. Carmichael, dated June 5th, at Madrid. He speaks of Mr. Jay being on his journey, and supposes he would be with me before that letter, so that I may expect him daily. We have taken lodging for him at Paris.

Monday 17th, I received a letter from Mr. Hodgson, acquainting me that the American prisoners at Portsmouth, to the number of 330, were all embarked on board the transports; that each had received twenty shillings worth of necessaries at the expense of government, and went on board in good humour. That contrary winds have prevented the transports arriving in time at Plymouth; but that the whole number was there, of our own people, amounting to 700, which with those arrived from Ireland, would soon be on their way home. In the evening the marquis de la Fayette came to see me, and said he had seen M. de Ver

gennes, who was satisfied with Mr. Grenville's powers.

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He asked me what I thought of them, and I told him what I had said to Mr. Grenville, of the imperfection with respect to us. He agreed in opinion with me: I let him know that I proposed waiting on M. de Vergennes to-morrow. He said he had signed the paper relating to major Ross's parole, and hoped congress would not take it amiss; and added, that in conversation with the major, he had asked him why England was so backward to make propositions? We are afraid,' says the major, of offering you more than you expect or desire.' I find myself in some perplexity with regard to these two negociators. Mr. Oswald appears to have been the choice of lord Shelburne, Mr. Grenville that of Mr. secretary Fox. Lord Shelburne is said to have lately acquired much of the king's confidence: Mr. Fox calls himself the minister of the people; and it is certain, that his popularity is lately much increased. Lord Shelburne seems to wish to have the management of the treaty; Mr. Fox seems to think it in his department. I hear that the understanding between these ministers is not quite perfect. Mr. Grenville is clear, and seems to feel reason as readily as Mr. O. though not so readily to own it; Mr. Oswald appears quite plain and sincere. I sometimes a little doubt Mr. Grenville and Mr. Oswald. The old man seems to have now no other desire, but that of being useful in doing good. Mr. Grenville, a young man, naturally desirous of acquiring reputation, seems to aim at that of being an able negociator: Oswald does not solicit to have any share in the business, but submitting the matter to lord S. and me, expresses only his willingness to serve, if we think he may be useful; and is equally willing to be excused, if we judge there is no occasion for him. Grenville seems to think the whole negociation committed to him, and to have no idea of Oswald's being concerned in it; and is therefore willing to extend the expressions in his commission, so as to make them comprehend America, and this beyond what I think they will bear. I imagine we might go on very well with either of them, though I should rather prefer Oswald, but I apprehend difficulties,

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