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immigration. Here we have before us within the Queen's own realms not only a precedent for federation, but also a demonstration of the oase with which it can be adopted and the benefits accruing therefrom.

V. The constitution of the United States, like all the rest, is coloured, only perhaps in stronger measure, throughout by the political ideas of English origin, and is in reality simply an adaptation to federal uses of the British Constitution as it presented itself to an observer between 1760 and 1787.

The President has most of the powers that belonged to King George III. He has a suspensory veto on all bills passed by Congress; when he vetoes a bill he sends it back to the House whence it originated, with his objections to it in writing. If the bill is again passed by a majority of two-thirds of the members in each House it then ipso facto becomes law. Even with this limit to his veto, however, and even without the power of proroguing or dissolving either of the federal Houses, the President enjoys far more personal power than now belongs to the Crown of Great Britain. He is commanderin-chief of the army and navy; he prepares any treaties he pleases with foreign powers, but cannot conclude one without the consent of two-thirds of the Upper House or Senate; all the appointments he makes also must receive the approbation of two-thirds of the Senate. He thus nominates his own ministers, and they are responsible only to him. There are seven of them-foreign affairs, treasury, war, navy, postmaster, home affairs, and attorney-general. Their salaries are each 1,6001. The President can dismiss them as he wills, and the House of Commons or Representatives has no voice in the matter. Neither may any minister sit in either House. The President thus reigns and rules for four years, though he is not of regal birth, over 50 millions of English-speaking people, or rather more than at present exist in Great Britain, Canada, and Australasia combined. But as 10 millions of these are German, 1 million Scandinavian, and 7 millions negroes, the majority of the Anglo-Saxon race are still under the sway of the Queen of Great Britain.

The Senate and House of Representatives are our Upper and Lower Houses of Parliament, only without the hereditary principle. Combined they form Congress,' and must meet every year; they usually come together in December.

The members of the Senate or Upper House are elected for six years; two from each of the thirty-eight separate states of the Union, irrespective of population. They are chosen by the local parliaments of each state. There are thus 76 members in all; each Senator must be over thirty years of age, and an inhabitant of the state from which he is chosen. One-third vacate their seats every two years ; usually, however, the Senator whose term of office is about to expire is re-elected by his state legislature.

The House of Representatives or Commons is elected for two years by all male citizens over twenty-one years of age who possess the franchise in their particular states. Each member must be over twenty-five years of age, and resident in the state he represents. The number of members to which each state is entitled by its population is determined by Congress on the basis of the census taken every ten years. The total number of representatives for the 4 millions of people in 1789 was 69, about one for every 50,000. There are in 1884, for the 50 millions of people, 325 members, or about one for every 150,000 inhabitants. The electoral districts, each with one member only, are as far as possible conterminous with the counties of the various states. Each senator, since 1874, receives from imperial funds a salary of 5,000 dollars, or 1,0001. per annum, with his travelling expenses besides, once up to Washington and once home again by most direct route; and each member of the Lower House has also a salary of 1,0001. per annum besides his travelling expenses. But no member of either house can hold any government office or post whatsoever in the United States, being a paid member of the legislature. They may, however, be at the same time members of their own local legislatures and of the imperial parliament.?

The Imperial Houses of Parliament in Congress have power to levy and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises (all duties, imposts, and excise are uniform throughout the Union), to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several states ; to establish uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies; to coin money and fix the standard of weights and measures; to manage the post-office, grant patents, declare war, raise and support army and navy, to suppress insurrections and repel invasions. New states may be admitted to the Union by Congress, but may never be carved out of other states already in union without the consent of the legislatures of those states.

The district of Columbia, ten miles square (ceded by Maryland and Virginia for this purpose), on which stands the city of Washington, the centre and the seat of the Imperial Government, has no state rights, being extra-provincial.

The imperial revenue of the United States is derived chiefly from two sources customs and excise. It amounts in all to 72 million pounds; the expenditure is only 52 millions, chiefly in army and navy, pensions, and civil service; the surplus is available for reducing the national debt incurred during the civil war of 1861 to 1865.

The founders of the United States did not scruple to use this adjective `imperial,' in the same way as in England we speak of the imperial parliament or the imperial pint, and in the · Act of Settlement' of the imperial crown of Great Britain. Mr. Goldwin Smith objects to the term, and from a catchword makes an argument: For an empire you must have an emperor.'

immigration. Here we have before us within the Queen's own realms not only a precedent for federation, but also a demonstration of the ease with which it can be adopted and the benefits accruing therefrom.

V. The constitution of the United States, like all the rest, is coloured, only perhaps in stronger measure, throughout by the political ideas of English origin, and is in reality simply an adaptation to federal uses of the British Constitution as it presented itself to an observer between 1760 and 1787.

The President has most of the powers that belonged to King George III. He has a suspensory veto on all bills passed by Congress; when he vetoes a bill he sends it back to the House whence it originated, with his objections to it in writing. If the bill is again passed by a majority of two-thirds of the members in each House it then ipso facto becomes law. Even with this limit to his veto, however, and even without the power of proroguing or dissolving either of the federal Houses, the President enjoys far more personal power than now belongs to the Crown of Great Britain. He is commanderin-chief of the army and navy; he prepares any treaties he pleases with foreign powers, but cannot conclude one without the consent of two-thirds of the Upper House or Senate; all the appointments he makes also must receive the approbation of two-thirds of the Senate. He thus nominates his own ministers, and they are responsible only to him. There are seven of them-foreign affairs, treasury, war, navy, postmaster, home affairs, and attorney-general. Their salaries are each 1,6001. The President can dismiss them as he wills, and the House of Commons or Representatives has no voice in the matter. Neither may any minister sit in either House. The President thus reigns and rules for four years, though he is not of regal birth, over 50 millions of English-speaking people, or rather more than at present exist in Great Britain, Canada, and Australasia combined. But as 10 millions of these are German, 1 million Scandinavian, and 7 millions negroes, the majority of the Anglo-Saxon race are still under the sway of the Queen of Great Britain.

The Senate and House of Representatives are our Upper and Lower Houses of Parliament, only without the hereditary principle. Combined they form. Congress, and must meet every year ; they usually come together in December.

The members of the Senate or Upper House are elected for six years; two from each of the thirty-eight separate states of the Union, irrespective of population. They are chosen by the local parliaments of each state. There are thus 76 members in all; each Senator must be over thirty years of age, and an inhabitant of the state from which he is chosen. One-third vacate their seats every two years ; usually, however, the Senator whose term of office is about to expire is re-elected by his state legislature.

The House of Representatives or Conimons is elected for two years by all male citizens over twenty-one years of age who possess the franchise in their particular states. Each member must be over twenty-five years of age, and resident in the state he represents. The number of members to which each state is entitled by its population is determined by Congress on the basis of the census taken every ten years. The total number of representatives for the 4 millions of people in 1789 was 69, about one for every 50,000. There are in 1884, for the 50 millions of people, 325 members, or about one for every 150,000 inhabitants. The electoral districts, each with one member only, are as far as possible conterminous with the counties of the various states. Each senator, since 1874, receives from imperial funds a salary of 5,000 dollars, or 1,000l. per annum, with his travelling expenses besides, once up to Washington and once home again by most direct route; and each member of the Lower House has also a salary of 1,000l. per annum besides his travelling expenses. But no member of either house can hold any government office or post whatsoever in the United States, being a paid member of the legislature. They may, however, be at the same time members of their own local legislatures and of the imperial parliament.

The Imperial Houses of Parliament in Congress have power to levy and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises (all duties, imposts, and excise are uniform throughout the Union), to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among

the several states; to establish uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies; to coin money and fix the standard of weights and measures; to manage the post-office, grant patents, declare war, raise and support army and navy, to suppress insurrections and repel invasions. New states inay be admitted to the Union by Congress, but may never be carved out of other states already in union without the consent of the legislatures of those states.

The district of Columbia, ten miles square (ceded by Maryland and Virginia for this purpose), on which stands the city of Washington, the centre and the seat of the Imperial Government, has no state rights, being extra-provincial.

The imperial revenue of the United States is derived chiefly from two sources—customs and excise. It amounts in all to 72 million pounds; the expenditure is only 52 millions, chiefly in army and navy, pensions, and civil service; the surplus is available for reducing the national debt incurred during the civil war of 1861 to 1865.

* The founders of the United States did not scruple to use this adjective .imperial,' in the same way as in England we speak of the imperial parliament or the imperial pint, and in the · Act of Settlement' of the imperial crown of Great Britain. Mr. Goldwin Smith objects to the term, and from a catchword makes an argument: For an empire you must have an emperor.'

There are two safeguards against any sudden change or consequence of political passion, which are peculiar to the United States' constitution. The first is, that the Supreme Court of Judicature is made the arbiter and judge in any dispute that may arise as to how far either the Congress has trenched on the states' rights or the state legislatures may have exceeded theirs. The second is, that no alteration can be made in the federal constitution simply by act of the imperial legislature. Congress may propose an alteration when twothirds of both Houses vote for it; or, on the application of the states' legislatures of two-thirds of the states in the Union, may call a convention, specially elected for that purpose, to hear and propose amendments, which however before they can be carried out, must be ratified afterwards by the states' legislatures of three-fourths of the states of the Union. Six times only in the last hundred years has any alteration been made. The original constitution was formulated in 1787; ten amendments were added in 1791, and another the following year : one in 1804, another in 1865, another in 1868, and the last in 1870. No state, without its own consent, is ever to be deprived of its equal suffrage of two members, irrespective of population, in the Senate or Upper House.

The constitution of each of the thirty-eight different states is various : and so is the qualification for franchise : the original thirteen had all been founded at different times, and in different circumstances, like our other colonies. But they all agree in their main features.

Each state has a Governor of its own, answering very much to the lord lieutenant of an English county, excepting that here he has a province or state under his sway with several counties in it. He is the head of the executive in that state, just as the President of all the states united is the executive head of the Union. In some states he holds office for two, in others for three years. He has a veto on all bills passed by the legislature of his state, but as he goes out of office at the end of three years at furthest, he can only retard a bill from becoming law for that period. He presents a scheme to the two Houses of his state every session, embodying his notion as to that which the particular state requires in the way of effective local legislation. He is the supreme magistrate in his province or state ; he appoints all the justices of the peace, and has all the militia forces at his disposal. Each state has a militia, in which all men from eighteen to forty-five, capable of bearing arms, ought to be enrolled. Their sum total would be upwards of 61 millions of men.

The local legislative power of each state is vested in two Houses of Assembly; the first of which is generally called the Senate. This Upper House in some states becomes executive and nominates functionaries, in others it is judicial for certain civil and political offences as well as legislative, like the English House of Lords. The number of its members is always small, in some cases even as few as five

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