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we have been blessed with harmony and peace. Nor will, and no more shall we be troubled with the agitation of it be easy to persuade the country that resolutions are this dangerous question, because it will be removed as sectional which command the support of a majority of well from the Territorial legislatures as from the halls of the States, and are approved by the bone and body of Congress—when we shall be free to turn our attention to the old Democracy, and by a vast mass of conservative more useful issues, promotive of our growth in national opinion everywhere, without regard to party.
greatness. It has been necessary more than once in our history, Our Union must be preserved! But this can only be to pause and solemnly assert the true character of this done by maintaining the Constitution inviolate in all its Government. A memorable instance occurred in the provisions and guararties. The Judicial authority, as struggle which ended in the civil revolution of 1800. provided by the Constitution, must be maintained, and its The Republicans of that day, like the Democracy of this, decisions implicitly obeyed, as well in regard to the rights were stigmatized as disunionists, but they nobly conduct- of property in the Territories as in all other matters. end the coutest under the Constitution, and saved our po- Hoping for success, and trusting in the truth and justice Inical system. By a little constitutional struggle it is of the principles of our party, and in that Divine Proviintended to assert and establish the equality of the dence that has watched over us and made us one of the states, as the only basis of union and peace. When this great nations of the earth, and that we may continue to object, so national, so constitutional, so just, shall be merit Divine protection, I cheerfully accept the nominaaccomplished, the last cloud will disappear from the tion so unanimously conferred on me, and cordially in. American sky, and with common hands and hearts the dorse the platform adopted by the Convention. States and the people will unite to develop the resources I have the honor to be, sir, with much respect, of the whole country, to bind it together with the bonds
Your friend and obedient servant, of intercourse and brotherhood, and to impel it onward
MR. DOUGLAS ACCEPTS.
WASHINGTON, Friday, June 29, 1860.
authentic evidence of my nomination for the Presidency Above all, I venture humbly to hope that Divine Provi. by the National Convention of the Democratic party, I dence, to whom we owe our origin, our growth, and all now send you my formal acceptance. Upon a careful our prosperity, will continue to protect our beloved examination of the platform and principles adopted at couritry against all danger, foreign and domestic. Charleston and reaffirmed at Baltiinore, with an additional I am, with great respect, your friend,
resolution which is in perfect harmony with the others, I
JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE. find it to be a faithful embodiment of the time-honored The Hon. C. CUSHING, President of the Democratic Nauunal principles of the Democratic party, as the same were proConvention.
claimed and understood by all parties in the Presidential GEN. LANE'S ACCEPTANCE.
contest of 1818, 1652, and 1856.
Upon lookirg into the proceedings of the Convention WASHINGTON, June 30, 1800.
also, I find that the nomination was made with great Hon. CALEB CUSHING, PRESIDENT OF THE DEMOCRATIC NA- unauimity, in the presence and with the concurrence of TIONAL CONVENTION :
more than two-thirds of the whole number of delegates, Sir-I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the and in accordance with the long-established usages of communication you make in behalf of the Democratic the party. My iuflexible purpose not to be a candidate, National Convention, in which you inform me that, on the nor accept the nomination under any contingency, except 25d inst., I was unanimously nominated by that party for as the regular nominee of the National Democratic party the office of Vice-President of the United States, with the aud in that case only upon the condition that the usages, request that I shall accept the nomination.
as well as the principles of the party, should be strictly The platform adopted, and of which you inclose me a adhered to, had been proclaimed for a long time and copy, meets with my hearty approval, as it embodies become well known to the country. These conditions what I have been contending for as the only means of having all been complied with by the free and voluntary stopping sectional agitation, by securing to all equality action of the Democratic masses and their faithful repreand constitutional rights, the denial of which has led to sentatives, without any agency, interference, or procurethe present unhappy condition of public affairs.
ment, on my part, I feel bound in honor and duty to Compromises of constitutional principles are ever dan- accept the nomination. In taking this step, I am not gerous, and I am rejoiced that the true Democracy has unmindful of the responsibilities it imposes, but with firm seen fit to plant a firin foot on the rock of truth, and to reliance upon Divine Providence I have the faith that the give the people an opportunity to vindicate their love of people will comprehend the true nature of the issues in. justice and fraternal regard for each other's rights. volved, and eventually maintain the right.
Non-intervention on the subject of Slavery, I may em- The peace of the country and the perpetuity of the phatically say, is that cardinal maxim of the Democracy Uvion have been put in jeopardy by attempts to interfere -non-intervention by Congress and non-intervention by with and control the domestic affairs of the people in the Territorial Legislatures, as is fully stated in the first reso- Territories, through the agency of the Federal Governlution of the adopted platform.
ment. If the power and the duty of Federal interference In vain should we declare the former without insisting is to be conceded, two hostile sectigual parties must be upon the latter; because, to permit Territorial legisla- the inevitable result—the one inflaming the passions and tures to prohibit or establish Slavery, or by unfriendly le- ambitions of the North, the other of the South, and each gislation to invalidate property, would be granting powers struggling to use the Federal power and authority for to the creature or agent, which, it is admitted, do not ap- the aggrandizement of its own section, at the expense pertain to the principal, or the power that creates; besides of the equal rights of the other, and in derogation of which, it would be fostering an element of agitation in the those fundamental principles of self-government which Territory that must necessarily extend to Congress and were firmly established in this country by the American the people of all the States.
Revolution, as the basis of our entire republican system. If the Constitution establishes the right of every citizen During the memorable period of our political history, to enter the common territory with whatever property he when the advocates of Federal intervention upon the sublegally possesses, it necessarily devolves on the Federal ject of Slavery in the Territories had well-nigh precipi. Government the duty to protect this right of the citizen tated the country into revolution,” the Northeru intervenwhenever and wherever assailed or infringed. The De- tionists demanding the Wilmot Proviso for the prohibition mocratic party honestly meets this agitating question, of Slavery, and the Southern interventionists, then few in which is threatening to sever and destroy this brotherhood number, and without a single Representative in either of States. It does not propose to legislate for the exten- House of Congress, insisting upon Congressional legislasion of Slavery, nor for its restriction, but to give to each tion for the protection of Slavery in opposition to the State and to every citizen all that our forefathers proposed wishes of th: people in either case, it will be remembered to give-namely, perfect equality of rights, and then to that it required all the wisdom, power and influence of a commit to the people, to climate, and to soil, the determi- Clay and a Webster and a Cass, supported by the consernation as to the kind of institution best fitted to their re- vative and patriotic men of the Whig and Democratic parquirements in their constitutional limits, and declaring as ties of that day, to devise and carry out a line of policy a fundamental maxim, that the people of a Territory can which would restore peace to the country and stability to only establish or prohibit Slavery when they come to form the Union. The essential living principle of that policy, as a constitution, preparatory to their admission as a State applied in the legislation of 1850, was, and now is, noninto the Union.
intervention by Congress with Slavery in the TerritoIf, happily, our principles shall prevail, an era of peace ries. The fair application of this just and equitable prinand harmony will be restored to our distracted country, 'ciple restored harmony and fraternity to a distracted coun
try. If we now depart from that wise and just policy the propriety of acting in so grave a matter with greater which produced these happy results, and permit the coun- deliberation, I concluded, as I informed yoa at the time try to be again distracted ; if precipitated into revolution by a private note, to (l-fer a formal acceptance until after by a sectional contest between Pro-Slavery and Anti-Sla- my arrival at home. very interventionists, where shall we look for another Clay, Now that I have had all the leisure I could desire for reanother Webster, or another Cass to pilot the ship of State
flection upon the circumstances under which the nominaover the breakers into a haven of peace and safety ? tion was made, the purity of the motives and the lofty
The Federal Union must be preserved. The Constitu- spirit of patriotism by which the Convention was animation must be maintained inviolate in all its parts. Every ted, as evinced in all its proceedings, I can appreciate right guaranteed by the Constitution must be protected more justly the honor done me by the nomination; and, by law in all cases where legislation is necessary to its en- though it might have been more fortunate for the country joyment. The judicial authority, as provided in the Con- had it fallen upon some one of the many distinguished states. stitution, must be sustained, and' its decisions implicitly men whose names were brought to the notice of the Conobeyed and faithfully executed. The laws must be ad- vention, rather than myself, I accept it, with all its possiministered and the constituted authorities upheld, and ble responsibilities. Whatever may be the issue of the all unlawful resistance to these things must be put down ensuing canvass, as for myself, I shall ever regard it as a with firmness, impartiality and fidelity, if we expect to proud distinction-one worth a lifelong effort to attainenjoy and transmit unimpaired to our posterity, that to be pronounced worthy to receive the highest office in blessed inheritance which we have received in trust from the Government at such a time as the present, and by such the patriots and sages of the Revolution.
a Convention as that which recently met in Baltimore-a With sincere thanks for the kind and agreeable man
Convention far less imposing by the number of its memner in which you have made known to me the action of bers, large as it was, than by their high character. In it the Convention, I have the honor to be,
were men venerable alike for their age and their public Your friend and fellow citizen,
services, who could not have been called from their volunS. A. DOUGLAS.
tary retirement from public life, but by the strongest sense Hon. WM. H. Ludlow, of New-York; R. P. Dick, of of patriotic duty; others, though still in the prime of life, North Carolina ; P. C. Wickliff, of Louisiana, and others ranking with the first men of the country by honors and of Committee.
distinctions already acquired in high official positions,
State and national, many of them statesmen worthy to fill MR. FITZPATRICK DECLINES.
the highest office in the government; a still greater num
ber occupying the highest rank in their respective profesWASHINGTON, June 25, 1860.
sional pursuits; others distinguished by their intelligence GENTLEMEN : Your letter of to-day, informing me that I and well-earned influence in various walks of private life, “have been unanimously nominated by the National Con- and all animated and united by one spirit and one purvention of the Democratic party, which met at Charleston
pose—the result of a strong conviction that our political on the 23d day of April last, and adjourned to meet at system, under the operation of a complication of disorders, Baltimore on the 18th day of June, as their candidate for is rapidly approaching a crisis when a speedy change must the office of Vice-President," was duly received.
take place, indicating, as in diseases of the physical body, Acknowledging with the 'liveliest sensibility this distin
recovery or death. guished mark of your confidence and regard, it is with no
The Convention, in discarding the use of platforms, exordinary feelings of regret that considerations, the recital of which I will not impose upon you, constrain me to de- highest trusts under the Government; wisely considering
act no pledge from those whom they deem worthy of the cline the nomination so flatteringly tendered. My desig- that the surest guaranty of a man's future usefulness and nation as a candidate for this high position would have
fidelity to the great interests of the country, in any offibeen more gratifying to me if it had proceeded from the
cial station to which he may be chosen, is to be found in united Democracy-united both as to principles and men. The distracting differences at present existing in the pledge implied in my acceptance of the nomination of the
his past history connected with the public service. The ranks of the Democratic party were strikingly exemplified National Union Convention is, that should I be elected, I both at Charleston and at Baltimore, and, in my humble will not depart from the spirit and tenor of my past opinion, distinctly admonish ine that I should in no way
course; and the obligation to keep this pledge derives a contribute to these unfortunate divisions.
double force from the consideration that none is required The Black Republicans have harmoniously (at least in from me. Convention) presented their candidates for the Presidency
You, sir, in your letter containing the official announceand Vice-Presidency. So have the Constitutional Union
ment of iny nomination, have been pleased to ascribe to party (as it is termed). Each party is already engaged in me the merit of moderation and justice in my past public the contest. In the presence of such organizations we still,
You have likewise given me credit for a uniunfortunately, exhibit a divided camp. What a melan
forin support of all wise and beneficent measures of legischoly spectacle ! It is calculated to cause every Democratic lation, for a firm resistance to all measures calculated to citizen who cherishes the Constitution of his country to engender sectional discord, and for a lifelong devotion to despond, if not to despair, of the durability of the Union.
the Union, harmony, and prosperity of these States. Desirous, as far as I am capable of exercising any influ- Whether your personal partiality has led you to overence, to remove every obstacle which may prevent a resto- state my inerits as a public man or not in your enumeraration of the peace, harmony, and perfect concord of that tion of them, you have presented a summary-a basis of glorious old party to which I have been inflexibly devoted all sound American statesmanship. It may be objected from early manhood--a party which, in my deliberate that nothing is said in this summary, in express terms of opinion, is the only real and reliable ligament which binds
the obligations imposed by the Constitution; but the the South, the North, the East, and the West together upon duty to respect and observe then is clearly implied, for constitutional principles-no alternative was left to me without due observance in the conduct of the Govern. but that which I have herein most respectfully communi- ment of the Constitution, its restrictions, and require. cated to you.
ments, fairly interpreted in accordance with its spirit For the agreeable manner in which you have conveyed and objects, there can be no end to sectional discord-no to me the action of the Convention, accept my sincere security for the harmony of the Union. thanks.
I have not the vanity to assume that in my past conVery truly your friend and obedient servant,
nection with the public service I have exemplified the
B. FITZPATRICK. course of a sound American statesman; but if I have To W. H. LUDLOW, of New-York, and others,
deserved the favorable view taken of it in your letter, I The Democratic National Committee subse- may hope, by a fúithful adherrnce to the maxims by
which I have heretofore been guided, not altogether to dis. quently nominated the Hon. Herschel V. John- appoint the confidence and expectations of those who son, of Georgia, who accepted the position. have placed me in my present relation to the public; and
if, under Providence, I should be called to preside over MR. BELL ACCEPTS.
the affairs of this great country as the Executive Chief of
the Government, the only further pledge I feel called upon NASHVILLE, May 21, 1860. to make is, that the utmost of my ability, and with what. Dear Sir: Official information of my nomination to the ever strength of will I can command, all the powers and Presidency by the National Union Convention, of which influence belonging to my official station shall be employed you were the presiding officer, was communicated to me and directed for the promotion of all the great objects for by your letter of the 11th inst., at Philadelphia, on the which the Government was instituted, but more espeeve of my departure with my family for my place of resi- cially for the maintenance of the Constitution and the dence in Tennessee; and diffident as I was of my worthi- Union against all imposing influences and tendencies. ness, I did not hesitate to signify my intention to accept I cannot conclude this letter without expressing my the position assigned to me by that distinguished and pa- high gratification at the nomination to the second office triotic body. But for convenience, and under a sense of under the Government, of the eminently-gifted and dis
tinguished statesman of Massachusetts, Edward Everett, / ing a single eye to that meritorious object. As far as tho a gentlemen held by general consent to be altogether purchase of Mount Vernon is concerned, that object has worthy of the first.
been effected, under the judicious and efficient manTendering my grateful acknowledgments for the kind | agement of the Regent and Vice-Regents of the Assoand complimentary manner in which you were pleased | ciation, with the aid of their intelligent and active assistto accompany the communication of my nomination, 1 ants throughout the Union. But a sum of money equal am, dear sir, with the highest respect,
to that already raised is still wanting for the repair of Your obedient servant,
JOHN BELL. the Mansion, the inclosure of the land purchased, the To the Hon. WASHINGTON HUNT,
restoration of the house and grounds, as far as practi
cable, to their condition in 1800, and the establishment MR. EVERETT'S ACCEPTANCE.
of a perinauent fund for their conservation. I own
that I ain desirous still to enjoy the privilege of coöpeBoston, May 29, 1860.
rating in this noble work, which, however, it will be imMY DEAR SIR: I have duly received your letter of the possible for me to do to any advantage, whatever may 11th, in which you inform me officially, that the National be the result of the present canvass, if I am drawn into Union Convention, recently in session at Baltimore, had the vortex of a strenuously contested election. There done me the honor to nominate me as its candidate for
are many parts of the country which I have not yet the office of Vice-President of the United States.
visited. I had promised myself a rich harvest from the I am deeply impressed with this manifestation of the patriotic liberality of the States on the Gulf of Mexico, favorable opinion of the Convention, comprising as it did and of those on the Mississippi River (which I have not among its members so many persons distinguished for yet been able to visit, with the exception of Missouri, public service, patriotism and intelligence; and fairly through often kindly invited), and I confess that it is representing a considerable portion of the conservative very painful to me to withdraw from that broad field feeling of the country. For the great cordiality with of congenial labor to tread the thorny and thankless which, as you inform me, my name was proposed and paths of politics. received, my warmest thanks are due.
Apart from the pecuniary aspects of the case, which, The grateful acceptance of such a nomination would, however, are of considerable importance, I will candidly under ordinary circumstances, be a matter of course; say that in holding up to the admiring veneration of the but it has unavoidably been with me the subject of long American people the eerless name of Washin and anxious hesitation. The grounds of this hesitation I (almost the only bond of fraternal sentiment which the owe it to the Convention which has honored me with bitterness of our sectional controversies has left us), I this mark of its confidence, and to myself, to explain; | feel as if I was doing more good, as far as I am able to loath as I am to dwell on matters of personal interest do any good, and contributing more to revive the kindly of no importance to the public.
feeling which once existed between North and South, It is generally known that I have, for some years and which is now, I grieve to say, nearly extinct, than I past, retired from active participation in political life, could possibly do by engaging in the wretched scramble not, as I hope I have shown, from indolence or want of for office-which is one great source of the dangers that sympathy with my fellow-citizens in the pursuit of the threaten the country. great objects of social life. The reasons of my retire- These considerations, and others of a still more personal ment have been more than once publicly stated, and I nature, have necessarily occasioned me to reflect long and beg to repeat them here from iny speech at the Union anxiously, before accepting the nomination with which meeting in Faneuil Hall last December:
the Union Convention has honored me, In yielding at “I did not suppose that anything could occur which length to the earnest solicitations which have been adwould inake me think my duty to appear again on this dressed to me, from the most respectable sources in almost platform, on any occasion of a political character; and every part of the Union, I make a painful sacrifice of had this meeting been of a pariy nature, or designed to inclination to what I am led to believe a public duty. It promote any party purposes. I should not have been has been urged upon me, and I cannot deny that such is here. When compelled, by the prostration of my health, my own feelings, that we have fallen upon times that call five years ago, to resign the distinguished place which I upon all good citizens, at whatever cost of personal conthen filled in the public service, it was with no expectation, venience, to contribute their share, however humble, to no wish, and no intention of ever again mingling in the the public service. scenes of public life. I have, accordingly, with the par- I suppose it to be the almost universal impression—it is tial restoration of my health, abstained from all partici- certainly mine—that the existing state of affairs is expation in political action of any kind; partly because I tremely critical. Our political controversies have subhave found a more congenial, and, as I venture to think, stantially assumed an almost purely sectional charactera more useful occupation, in seeking to rally the affec- that of a fearful struggle between the North and the tions of my countrymen, North and South, to that great / South. It would not be difficult to show at length the name and precious memory which are left almost alone perilous nature and tendency of this struggle, but I can of all the numerous kindly associations which once only say, on this occasion, that, in my opinion, it cannot bound the different sections of the country together, and be much longer kept up, without rending the Union. I also because, between the extremes of opinion that have do not mean that either of the great parties in the country long distracted and now threaten to convulse the coun- desires or aims at a separation of the States as a final try, I find no middle ground of practical usefulness, on object, although there are extremists in considerable which a friend of moderate counsels can stand."
numbers who have that object in view. While a potent It having been suggested to me, notwithstanding these and a baleful influence is exercised by men of this class, avowals, that I might be thought of, at the Union Con- in both sections of the Union, a portion of the conservavention, as a candidate for the Presidency, I requested, tive masses are insensibly and gradually goaded into conby telegraphic message and by letter, that my name, if currence with opinions and sentiments with which, in the brought forward, might be withdrawn. It is true that in outset, they had no sympathy. Meantime, almost wholly these communications I had only in view a nomination neglecting the main public interests, our political controto the Presidency, none other having been suggested to versies turn more and more on questions, in reference to me; but all the reasons above indicated, which led me which, as abstract formulæ, the great sections of the in advance to decline such a nomination, apply with country differ irreconcilably, though there is nothing equal force to the Vice-Presidency. These reasons, of practically important at stake which requires the discuscourse, still exist in unimpaired force, and I cannot now sion to be kept up. These controversies are carried on take an active part in politics without abandoning a with steadily increasing bitterness and exasperation. The deliberately formed purpose, and even exposing myself passions thus kindled have already led to acts of violence to the suspicion of insincerity in its persistent avowal. and bloodshed, approaching to civil war in the Territories,
Without dwelling upon these considerations, of which, and attempted servile insurrection in the States. The however, I am sure the weight will be admitted, I beg great religious and philanthropic associations of the coun. leive to advert for a moment to my connection with the try are sundered, and the kindly social relations of North movement for the purchase of Mount Vernon, to which and South seriously impaired. The national House of your letter alludes in such obliging terms. The favor Representatives, hovering on the verge of anarchy, rewhich has attended my exertions in that cause (if I may quires weeks to effect an organization, which ought to be without indelicacy say anything on that subject) has been the work of an hour, and it holds its sessions (many of its mainly the result of my known and recognized discon- members, I am told, armed with concealed weapons), on nection from party politics. If it could have been even the crust of a volcano. The candidates for the Presidency plausibly insinuated that I was, or intended to become, representing respectively the dominant sectional ideas, a candidate for high political honors, I should, în my will, at the ensuing election, in all probability, he sup, various excursions in aid of that fund, have laid myself ported by a purely geographical vote. In other words, open to the imputation of speaking one word for Mount we are already brought to a pass, at which North and Vernon and two for myself. As it is, the people through South cannot and will not coöperate in the periodical out the Cnion have generously given me credit for hav- I reorganization of the Government.
Can such a state of things long continue, especially blood of an unarmed, defenceless man, and he a Senator with the ever-present risk of new causes of exasperation? of Massachusetts : if by laying down my life this hour, I I own it seems to me impossible, unless some healing could undo what has been done the last two years (begin. course is adopted, that the catastrophe, which the mass of ning with the disastrous repeal of the Missouri Comprogood citizens deprecate, should be much longer delayed. | mise) to embitter the different parts of the country against A spirit of patriotic moderation must be called into action each other, and weaken the ties which unite them, I would throughout the Union, or it will assuredly be broken up. willingly, cheerfully, make the sacrifice. Unless the warfare of inflammatory speeches and incen
In a letter, written subsequently, in explanadiary publications is abandoned, and good citizens, as in 1776 and 1787, North and South, will agree to deal with tion of these remarks, Mr. Everett said the same elements of discord (for they existed then as now), I have condemned from the outset, and still most as our Fathers dealt with them, we shall but for a very decidedly condemn the policy of the late Administration few years longer be even nominally brethren of one family. towards Kansas. I opposed the Kansas-Nebraska bill in The suggestion that the Union can be maintained by the the Territorial Committee, of which I was a member. I numerical predominance and military prowess of one voted against the amendinent to the bill by which the section, exerted to coerce the other into submission, is, in Missouri Compromise was repealed. I opposed the bill to my judgment, as self-contradictory as it is dangerous. It the best of my ability, in a speech delivered in the Senate comes loaded with the death smell from fields wet with on the 8th of February, 1854, of which I send you a copy; brothers' blood. If the vital principle of all republican and I should have voted against it on its passage (as I government " is the consent of the governed," much more stated in my place at the next meeting of the Senate) had does a union of coequal sovereign States require, as its not severe illness compelled me, at 3 o'clock in the mornbasis, the harmony of its members and their voluntary ing, to leave the Senate chamber before the vote was coöperation in its organic functions.
taken. I informed my Southern political friends, when Believing, for these reasons, that healing counsels must the bill was brought in, that it ought to be entitled a bill be listened to, if we are much longer to remain one people, to " annihilate all conservative feeling in the non-slaveI regard the late National Union Convention as a move holding States." With these views of the subject, though, ment in the right direction. I could wish that it had been as I trust, for reasons higher than any effect on party earlier assembled; with less exclusive reference to official politics, I fully concurred in the main line of argument nominations, and with a more comprehensive representa-l in Mr. Sumiier's speech. Abstaining, however, habitution, if possible, of the conflicting opinions of the country. ally myself from all personalities in debate, and believing 0: general principles and in ordinary times, I admit that that they always irritate and never persuade nor convince third parties are objectionable, but in the existing state I could not of course bestow my“ unqualified approbation" of atairs, if there is to be any escape from the present illo on the manner in which he treated the subject. omened conflict, it would seem that a commencement must be made with such a meeting as that of the 9th and
GEORGIA ON EVERETT. 10th, at Baltimore. It was a fair representation of the conservative opinion of the country; and the calmness,
On the accession of Gen. Harrison to the gravity and good feeling with which its proceedings were Presidency, in 1840, he nominated the Hon. conducted, cannot be too highly praised. In adopting as its platform the Constitution without this nomination was resisted with great perti
Edward Everett as minister to England, and note or comment, the Convention, as it seems to me, pursued a wise and patriotic course. No other course was nacity by the entire force of the Democratic thought of in the earlier days of the Republic. Elec- party in the Senate, on the ground of Mr. cal and delusive. It is objected that men differ as to the Everett's Anti-Slavery sentiments, already quomeaning of the fundamental law; but they differ not less ted. The Whigs having a majority in the as to any gloss or commentary. The Constitution, in its Senate, the nomination, after a severe struggle, good citizáns in every part of the country can now unite; was confirmed. Among those voting for the and any attempt to go further will usually have no other Confirmation was the Hon. James McPherson effect than to cause those who agree on great practical Berrien, of Georgia ; but his vote on this occa. principles to differ on metaphysical subtleties, or to bring sion was so distasteful to the people of Georgia together, hy artfully constructed phrases and from selfish motives, those who have nothing else in common.
that the legislature of that State adopted the The candidate for the Presidency, presented by the following resolve: Union Convention, is every way worthy of confidence and support. I speak from personal knowledge and long asso
Resolved, That the opinions publicly proclaimed by ciation with him in the public service. His distinguished Edward Everett, now minister to England of the power talent, large experience in public affairs, proved integ- and obligation of Congress to abolish Slavery in the Disrity and sterling patriotism furnish the amplest pledge for trict of Columbia, to interdict the slave-trade between the an honest and efficient administration of the government States, and to refuse
the admission into the Union of any at home and abroad. A citizen of the South, and loy
Territory tolerating Slavery, are unconstitutional in their to her constitutional rights, his impartial and conciliatory character, subversive of the rigḥts of the South, and if course as a public man affords a ground on which he can
carried out, will destroy this Union; and that the Hon. be supported in either section of the country, without John McPherson Berrien, in sustaining for an important dereliction of principle, and by men of all parties, without appointment, an individual holding such obnoxious sentia painful sacrifice of former preferences.
ments, has omitted a proper occasion to give an efficient Deeply regretting that the Convention has not put it in check to such sentiments, and in so doing has not truly my power to pay an equally cordial and emphatic tribute represented the opinions or wishes of the people of to some worthy candidate for the Vice-Presidency, but Georgia, of either political party. feeling it a duty to give the desired proof of sympathy The vote of the legislature on the adoption with their patriotic efforts to restore the happy days of lof this resolve was: In the Senate, Ayes 40 ; brotherly concord between the different sections of our beloved country.
Nays 0. In the House, Ayes 101 ; Nays 40.
In a speech delivered at Springfield, II., in
1849, Senator Douglas, in speaking of the Mis. Soon after the brutal assault on Charles Sum- souri Compromise, said: ner, in 1856, Mr. Everett, in some remarks It has received the sanction of all parties in every secdelivered at Taunton, Mass., referred to the tion of the Union. It had its origin in the hearts of all subject as follows:
patriotic men who desired to preserve and perpetuate
the blessings of our glorious Vnion-an origin akin to The civil war, with its horrid train of pillage, fire, and that of the Constitution of the United States, conceived slaughter, carried on, without the slightest provocation, in the same spirit of fraternal affection, and calculated in against the infant settlements of our brethren on the fron- remove forever the only danger which seemed to threa'en tier of the Union; the worse than civil war which has for at some distant day to sever the sacred bond of Union. months raged unrebuked at the Capital of the Union, and All the evidences of public opinion seem to indicate that has at length, by an act of lawless violence, of which I this Compromise has become canonized in the hearts of know no parallel in the history of Constitutional Govern the American people as a sacred thing, which no ruthless ment, stained the floor of the Senate chamber with the i hand would be reckless enough to disturb,
Fremont over Buchanan, 28,299 ; Pierce over Scott, 9,066; Cass over Taylor, 4,755; Polk over Clay, 11,341; Harrison over Van Buren, 411. Mr. James G. Birney received 194 votes in this state, in 1840.
Fremont over Buchanan, 5,556; Pierce over Scott, 13,850 ; Cass over Taylor, 12,982 ; Polk over Clay, 9,294 ; Van Buren over Harrison, 6,598. Mr. Birney received 126 votes in 1840.
R HI O D E
ISLA N D.
603 1260 1258 6903 1443
387 566 750 4432 595
15 659 831 452
628 839 1249 8888 1022
367 748 1005 5529 1086
2 83 48 431 80
590 690 1207 8542 750
18 52 113 898 149
589 786 1229 8751 967
109 381 473 3192 712
476 669 914 2482 787
186 372 417 1711 665
Fremont over Buchanan, 4,787; Pierce over Scott, 1,109; Taylor over Cass, 3,133 ; Clay over Polk, 2,455; Harrison over Van Buren, 1,977. Mr. Birney received 42 votes in 1840.