denied the free exercise of the right of suffrage. If the word "white" was to be inserted anywhere in the constitution, surely it should have been in this first and fundamental proposition, and then it would have read "all political power is inherent in the 'white' people”—a principle, the absurdity of which, is too palpable to escape the notice of the most obtuse intellect, There is in this country but one way by which political power is manifested by the people, and that is by the right of suffrage.

He who may not vote is a powerless practically as if he were dead or enslaved. How monstrous a wrong then do we commit, when we forbid a portion of our people the ballot box, acknowledging at the same time the inalienable right of all to the exercise of political power. Such is the wrong now done to the colored race-a wrong we venture to say without a reason—without cause or excuse, unless an unjust and wicked prejudice, which is a disgrace to those who feel it, ought to be called an excuse, Our laws require of the colored man that he shall submit to the government we have established, and be obedient to the laws of its making, and more than that, he must pay taxes and take share in the burdens incurred for the support of that government. And yet he is denied any the least voice in the choice of his rulers, or in the making of the laws. What better is this than the oppressions against which our fathers rebelled? If "all just government is instituted for the benefit of the governed," then what opinion must we form of the justice of Michigan towards her colored citizens? To these questions there can be but one answer. Michigan must make haste to repair this great wrong-her people must be free. I would willingly leave this subject here, but feel it my duty to advert for a moment to some of the arguments by which the denial of the right of suffrage to the colored man is sometimes attempted to be sustained. It is said that the race is ignorant and degraded and therefore unfit for the exercise of so important a right as that of voting. This, like every other argument in a bad cause, is untrue in point of fact: But suppose it were true, does it furnish any ground for continuing a system which has had such a result?, So far from it, that it is one of the strongest reasons why our system, as it regards this race, should be changed at once. If by our unjust laws we have degraded the man and besotted his intellect, it is a refinement of cruelty to make

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this the pretext of further continued oppression. And that such is the case, so far as there is any shadow of truth in the charge at all, who can deny? We have by the scorn of the community and its oppressive laws driven the colored man in most instances into the most meniel employments, (none other being left open to him,) and thus has he become a blacker of white man's boots, and a sweeper of white man's chimneys! But who shall say that under a system of just and equal laws-laws which shall strengthen his hopes, protect his rights and elevate him to the right of a citizen, he will become nothing else. All experience in this country has proved that the best way to make a good and intelligent citizen, is not first to strip him of all the rights and the hopes of one. But on the contrary, whenever you extend the duties and the responsibilities of the citizen additional motives are furnished him to be prepared to meet them, and he has been but a poor observer who has not been convinced by the history of our country of the full ability of man to govern himself. But there is still an easier answer to this cavil. If even ignorance and degradation are a sufficient reason for denying the right of suffrage, they should apply as well to the white as the black man, since neither of these are the nececessary adjuncts of any color. If we will drive the colored citizen from the ballot box because he is less learned or less virtuous than we could wish him, then by every rule of right the unlearned and vicious white man should go with him. But we adopt no such rule when the white race is concerned. No degree of ignorance or vice excludes them, come they from whatever quarter of the globe they may.— Is it not a shame then, that in a land which boasts of liberty, a colored man may not be treated with equal fairness? Is it a crime that he cannot be white, that we should thus punish him?

One objection more seems to require a remark and then I have done with the question. It is said that great numbers of blacks will flock to this State as their residence, if the proposed amendment should be made. That this would be the case to any very great extent is doubted. But if it should prove true to the utmost of the fears of the most timerous, then would it indeed be an honor to Michigan, that the justice and humanity of her laws caused the oppressed of other states to seek a home within her borders. Besides, it is yet to be proven that the black man necessarily makes a bad citizen. The very effect of

the law which attracted him here would be to elevate him, and the fact that he came would be evidence that he at least had spirit enough to love liberty and respect himself. From such a man most evidently the state has nothing to fear, but very much to hope. And shall it go for nothing that by the adoption of this amendment we take a great step towards the elevation of an oppressed race? Does their common humanity with us give them no claim to the consideration of the state?

Believing most fully that the time has come when the colored men of America should be allowed to assume their rightful position as cicizens of the republic, upon an equality in all respects with their white brethren, and especially that Michigan ought not longer to permit in her constitution a word which creates an unjust distinction between her citizens, and denies that great principle which lies at the very foundation of her whole political fabric, I can come to no other conclusion than that the joint resolution ought to pass. The committee report back to the House the joint resolution referred to them and respectfully recommend its passage; but for the reasoning of this report the undersigned is alone responsible.

All which is respectfully submitted.

AUSTIN BLAIR.

1846.

No. 13.

Report of Committee on Militia accompanying title 33 of the Revision.

The committee on militia to whom was referred that portion of the governor's annual message which relates to the militia, and also a resolution of instructions to abolish militia trainings and musters, and provide for the encouragement of volunteer, companies, beg leave to report the accompanying bill in accordance with said recommendation and instructions.

Your committee are aware that there is perhaps nothing in the routine of legislation more difficult than the enactment of a popular and efficient militia law, but they confidently believe that the bill introduced contains the only basis upon which a useful, permanent and practical system can be effected. It provides for a volunteer uniform militia, by taxing every individual liable to do military duty, the sum of fifty cents, and the appropriation of the fund thus created for the use and benefit of the volunteer militia aforesaid, leaving it optional with any person to enrol himself as a member of a volunteer company, subject to all the rules and provisions contained in said bill for the government and regulation of the same. It provides for the more effectual enrollment of the militia by making it the duty of the township assessors to enrol every person liable to do duty under a heavy penalty and at the same time provides for the compensation of said township officers.

It is a lamentable fact, that through the want of an efficient and thorough enrolment, the state has lost a large quantity of the arms annually distributed by the general government. In the opinion of your committee, this defect is amply remedied by the provision just alluded to-courts martial are abolished, and the whole routine as laid down in the old system, is changed for what your committee deem a more simple method, and at the same time stringent, and more in accordance with the progressive spirit of the age; making the system as republican as compatible with the necessarily arbritary nature of

military government and discipline. A provision is also inserted making it the duty of the Quartermaster General, to supervise, under control of the Commander-in-Chief, the arms that may be issued to the volunteer companies, preventing the injury and destruction of the same; also requiring the commissioned officers to give bonds for the safe keeping and return of the same whenever demanded. Thus, making the remedy more effectual than any préexisting, for the safe keeping of the public property. The committee have condensed a law for the regulation of the entire body of the militia in accordance with laws of Congress, which is only operative in ease of actual necessity, such as hostility with a foreign power, insurrection or invasion, calling out the entire mass or as much thereof as may be necessary under the order of the commander-in-chief.

If the requirements of the constitution of the United States and of this state are regarded as at all binding, there is no alternative but to provide suitable laws to carry their provisions into effect; and your committee are at loss to discover any method by which a system can be digested, bearing with so little hardship upon the people, and at the same time so useful for the encouragement of the military art. It is not necessary to investigate the evils and abuses of the present system, they are too apparent, and any effort to enforce its execution has been proved, in most instances, to have utterly failed. A long peace and consequent exemption from the peril and glory of warlike achievements have made the system little else than a grand farce, the actors of which often excite more ridicule than any personification of rela or fictitious life. That the position of our state, exposed as it would be, in case of collision with a foreign power bordering upon us, requires a radical reform, and new impetus to be given to our military organization, none can deny; besides, in times of peace, the militia (through volunteer companies,) is the only reliable resort to appeal to in case of those emergencies which sometimes arise in the best ordered governments. Should there be a prospect of war, a great competition would prevail for posts of honor and rank; those who have done the most to bring the militia into discredit would be the first to aspire to the highest station, and would seek promotion over those who in time of peace have given evidence that we should be prepared for any emergency.