the wide spread ruin of their fellow citizens, and look on, and see a great branch of industry, of the utmost importance in every community, prostrated under circumstances fatal to all future attempts at revival, wihout a further effort for relief. We would not magnify the subject, which we now present to congress, beyond its just merits, when we state it to be one of the utmost importance to the future interest and welfare of the United States.

protecting manufactures, has been represented as taxing the farmer and planter for the benefit of the manufacturer; and hence attempts have been made to excite popular prejudice against the latter. We need not dwell on this topic, in showing how unjust to individuals and injurious to the country the charge is. As it respects the manufacturing districts of the United States, their is no distinct class of manufacturers, no separation of the mann facturer and farmer: it is the farmer himself who is the manufacturer; he invests his money in manufacturing stock. With the exception of a few fac tories, in or near the great towns, by far the greater part of manufacturing stock will be found in the

Before we proceed farther, and at the very threshold, we disclaim all legislative patronage or favor to any particular class or branch of industry at the expense of the other classes in the community. We ask of congress the adoption of no mea-hands of the farmer. sure, for the relief of manufacturers, which is not Between different districts or states, one manu. deemed consistent with sound national policy and facturing and the other not, a different question the best interests of the United States at large. arises, which resolves itself into a mere equality But if a compliance with our prayers be the dictate or apportionment of taxes on the different parts of of wisdom, and for the public good; if our applica- the union; and here it will be seen, on a view of tion be justified by the examples of all wise and the whole system of impost and taxes, that no in patriotic states; if no government of modern Europe justice is done, as the manufacturing districts have, is so short sighted, or regardless of its duties, as and still do, contribute their full proportion to the not to constantly watch over, and yield a steady and public treasury. Of the internal taxes it will ap protecting support to the manufacturers of the pear, that they have paid an amount greatly be state, we humbly hope this appeal in behalf of yond the numerical standard or rule of apportionAmerican manufactures will not be made in vain. ment prescribed by the constitution. The fact is That clothing for our citizens in peace, and our not here mentioned for the purpose of complaint, army and navy in war, are indispensable, and that but to show how fallacious it is to select the duty the necessary supply should be independent of on a particular article, to settle the question of foreign nations, are positions that will be contro- equality in the general apportionment of taxes,verted by none. The last war afforded most la. We might again confidently appeal to the tariff of mentable proof: your soldiers, exposed to the imports, and ask if the duty is not greater on many inclemencies of a northern climate, were at times other articles than on imported cloths (with the found fighting in their ranks almost naked. It exception of certain coarse and almost useless cot. will not escape observation that national collision tons of the East Indies.) This is believed to be the and hostility are most likely to arise with that na-case with most of the specific duties, and eminenttion from whom our supplies are principally deri-ly so in some instances. Were the government to ved, and that the operations of war must be prose-proceed much farther than is now contemplated, cuted on the ocean; hence regular supplies being and bestow premiums for the encouragement of cut off, smuggling, violations of law, with all the particular branches of industry, examples to justiconcomitant evils experienced in the late war, are fy the measure would be found in the wisest and the certain consequences, The same disgraceful best administered governments. While the proviscenes are to be acted over and over again, to the sion in the constitution, prohibiting any duty on exdeep reproach of the country. If the present manu-ports, favors the great staple productions of the factories are suffered to fall, the government will south, it injures the domestic manufacturer, and look in vain for means to avert those calamities, is subversive of the great principle adopted by Surrounded with many embarrassments, govern- most nations to restrain the export of the raw matement, during the war, saw fit to encourage manurial necessary in manufactures. But neither of this facturing establishments; and those who embarked provision do your petitioners complain. their capital, it is humbly conceived, were warranted in the expectation of such continuing sup port of government as should protect their interest against that foreign rivalship and hostilty which is now operating to their ruin. They had a right, as they conceive, to expect this from what government owed to itself and to the independence and best interests of the country, as well as from the example of other nations in like circumstances.

We hope to find excuse in the importance of the subject, for submitting to the consideration of congress the following principles of political economy, which have been adopted by the most enlightened governments, and are deemed not altogether inap. plicable to the United States:

That the public good requires of government to restrain, by duties, the importation of articles which may be produced at home, and to manufacture as much as In reviewing the discussions on this great ques-possible of the raw material of the country. tion, your petitioners feel themselves justified in That the branches of industry particularly necessasaying, that the question has not been at all times ry or useful to the independence of the community fairly met on its true merits. We have been con- ought to be encouraged by government. strained to witness alarm sounded, as though a new That the most disadvantageous commerce is that principle was to be introduced, and the country which exchanges the raw material før manufactured now, for the first time, taxed for the mere benefit of manufactories. What can be more untrue and} unjust? We need not remind the honorable the congress of the United States of what is known to all, that from the first establishment of the govern- The policy of Great Britain, in support of which, ment, special regard has been had, in laying im-no wars, however bloody, no expense, however posts and taxes, to the protection of domestic ma- enormous, are too great a sacrifice, ought never to nufactures, by increasing the duties on imported ar-be lost sight of by the United States. That nation ticles coming in competition. Again the tariff, in assumes to manufacture for all nations, but will re

goods.

That any nation who should open its ports to all foreign importations, without a reciprocal privulege, would soon be ruined by the balance of trade.

ceive the manufactures of none. So tenacious, so dition opens them; and then the fatal suspension of jealous is she of the first dawnings of manufactures en proves, as the experience of the ill-fated shipelsewhere, that she binds even the bands of her pers of bread stuffs, the present year, will attest, a own colonists. The jealousy of parliament was ex-mere decoy to rain. Lord Sheffield, in the year cited nearly a century ago, by the petty hat manu-1783, declared that, except in time of war, there factory of Massachusetts; and an act of parliament never was a market for American wheat in Great actually passed, in the reign of George the second, Britain, exceeding three or four years in the whole, prohibiting the erection of furnaces, in British America, for slitting iron.

The great Chatham, the least hostile to British America of British ministers, in his speech in the house of lords, on the address to the throne, in 1770, expressed his utmost alarm at the first efforts at manufactures in America.

Mr. Brougham, a distinguished member of the British parliament, recently declared in his place, that it was well worth while, at the close of the late war, to incur a loss on the exportation to the United States, in order to stifle in the cradle our rising manufactures. It is in vain for any man to shut bis eyes against the active rivalship and persevering hostility of British manufactures, and when the capital, the deep rooted establishments, the improved machinery' and the skill of the British manufacturer, protected as he always is by the government, are considered, it ought not to excite surprise that the American manufacturer, without the support of his government, is found unequal to the contest. But yielding to manufactories reasonable support in their infancy, the government will at no distant period, find them able to defend themselves against foreign competition and hostility, and at the same time make ample returns to the nation for its protecting kindness..

It was the opinion of Mr. Hamilton, former secre tary of the treasury of the United States, as well as of sir James Stewart, that no new manufactory can be established, in the present state of the world, with out encouragement from government.

There was a time when the balance of trade, believed in both countries to be generally against the United States, was, in some degree satisfied or counter-balanced by a favorable trade with the West Indies; but a recent change of policy in the British councils has cut off that resource, and the parent state prefers exposing her colonies to starving, rather than open her ports to American com merce.

It is obvious how much that government presumes on its advantages over us, on the predilection of our citizens for British manufactures, and the inAluence of the liberal purchases in the south of the material for her cotton manufactures.

We hope to be excused in repelling the unwarrantable imputation bestowed on manufactories of woolen and cotton as being injurious to the health and morals of the community. On this point we may content ourselves with referring to the healthful sites of our factories, the spacious work-rooms,(re. quired by the necessary machinery,) and appeal to every man who has visited a factory, for testimony against the imputation. What is the experience on the subject? Scotland manufactures not only what is required for its inhabitants, but about five millions of dollars annually in the article of cotton alone, for exportation, and yet, in both its physical and moral character, that nation sustains a high elevation. We look in vain for evidence that the arms of Scotchmen have been withered by their manufactories, nor do we recollect the field of bat tle in Europe where the arms of any nation were found stronger in conflictR

To swell the tide of prejudice against manufac tures, it is said that unreasonable prices for goods were demanded at the period of the late war To reason with such objections would be a mere waste of time. We might ask what merchant, mechanic or farmer, in any age or country, ever forbore to raise his prices according to the demand in the mar ket? It enters into first principles. Did the importer treble his first cost on his cloths, even on smuggled goods, and does he make the charge of extortion against the manufacturers? The war unhinged every thing, and changed the whole order of society and course of business.

It cost the English parliament a struggle of forty years, commencing in the reign of Edward third, to get the better of the established manufactures of Flanders. It is believed that much less encou ragement from government would place the manufacturers of the United States on a secure founda tion. While the writers of that nation are seen to highly commend the principle of Adam Smith, that industry ought to be left to pursue its own course, without the interference of the legislature, the go. vernment has, at all times, and under every vicissitude, turned a deaf ear to the lesson, as though it were intended for other nations, and carried legislative regulations in every department and avenue of industry. The British statute book groans It might have been expected, that the present under those regulations. The policy of the go- fallen condition of our manufactures would have vernment has proved triumphant; immeasurable soothed prejudice and disarmed hostility. ́ ́ With wealth flowed in upon the nation, giving it a power all their alleged war profits, there are now none and control over other nations never before attain- so poor. Is it not seen, that the destruction of ed, and so long enjoyed by any people so inconsi- the present manufactories must inevitably proderable in numbers, duce the same evils of extravagant prices in the

Bu let no one imagine that a general system of event of a future war, as were experienced in the manufactures is now proposed to be introduced last?

into the United States. We would be understood As to the imputed effect of the tariff, in enhancas limiting our views to the manufactories already ing the prices of imported goods, it is believed established; to save those, which have not already that goods were never so low as under the opefallen, from the ruin which threatens them. ration of the present duties; and, so far as comAfter all that the present manufactories can sup- petition between domestic and foreign goods has ply there will remain to foreign importation an co-tributed to this, credit is justly due to our maamount, it is believed, equal, if not exceeding the nufacturers. means of the country to pay for. That importation, It is objected, that the entire industry of the let it be remembered, will be mostly from a coun- country may be most profitably exerted in clear, try which sluts her ports against the productions ing and cultivating our extended vacant lands.— of the United States, and keep them so, unless the But what does it avail the farmer, when neither in necessities of her manufactories, or hunger and se-'the nation from which he purchases his goods ar

elsewhere, can he find a market for his abundant pre-eminence in glory, a glory far transcending crops. Besides, the diversion of labor from agri-that of any nation that has yet appeared in the anculture to manufactures is scarcely perceptible.nals of the world."

Five or six adults with the aid of children will This is the address (said Mr Clark) which has manage a cotton manufactory of two thousand been got up by the British consul-who has called spindles.

upon all "loyal British subjects" to come forward From the gloomy condition of our manufacturers, and sign; and truly many worthy and patriotic perthe mind, turning to another quarter, is cheered sons, had unsuspectedly obeyed the call, and atwith the brightest prospects of others. In the tached their names thereto, without having any more southern states, it is believed that the idea that it contained any thing but mere condolence amount received, during the last year, from the (for the address was never made public) who afexport of two or three articles of agricultural pro-terwards lamented that they been caught in this duce only, exceeds forty millions of dollars. political trap-he himself had known several instan

An appeal is made to the equity, to the patrices of the kind-would mention one; an acquain otism, of the southern statesman: his aid and co-tance of his, who had signed the address, subseoperation is invoked for the relief of the suffer-quently discovered the cheat, and in order to make ing manufacturers of the northern and middle as much amends as possible for his involuntary 2 states. fault, offered to defray all the expenses of con

In conclusion, your petitioners humble pray, that vening the present meeting, (here was a cry of provision may be made by law, for making the pre-name, name from a person in the room) it was not sent duties on imported woolens and cottons per- necessary to name the individual he had alluded manent: for prohibiting the importation of cotton to, but he would assure that incredulous gentle. goods beyond the the cape of Good Hope, for con-man, that what he asserted was true; the person sumption or use in the United States, (according he meant wished his name not to be introduced, as to the example of several European governments;) it would follow he was easily duped by the artifices for restraining auction sales of goods, and for the of a man in office.

British subjects at New-York.

FROM THE COLUMBIAN.

A respectable audience of between 2 and 300 persons attended; Mr. Thomas Bryan was unanimously called to the chair. After he had concise ely stated the object of the meeting:

more general introduction and use of domestic Mr. Savage next addressed the meeting, and statgoods in the army and navy of the United States.ed that he never before had come forward publicly October 1, 1817. to express his opinion, and he trusted that his first effort would be, by a British audience, treated with that candor that he before had witnessed towards others. Before any decision was taken, as to the adoption of the proposed protest, he wished In conformity with public notice, a meeting of to make a few remarks. He thought it incumbent the natives of Great Britain and Ireland, opposed on every Briton to do his utmost to prevent the • to the "political address of condolence" adopted by "loyal address" from being sent to England, as the - some "loyal British subjects," for the purpose of general act of the British inhabitants of New York. evincing their attachment to the "Illustrious house-Abortive attempts had been made to prevent of Brunswick," and the consequent blessings of its this meeting; a correspondent in one of the daily virtuous administration of the constitution of king, papers, had stigmatized the objects of this assem lords and commons, was held at Dooley's long bly as being "brutal"and had hinted at the propri room, about two weeks ago. ety of the interference of the magistrates to prevent a meeting, which he affected to suppose was for the purpose of exulting in the death of the princess Charlotte; but this was foreign to the purpose of those who called the meeting. No man would withhold his sympathy at the melancholy event of the death of the princess, and had the framers of the "loyal address," confined themselves simply to this, the present meeting would not have been called together to oppose them. It is our duty, under existing circumstances, to show the people of Great Britain that we have not forgotten them; that although we were by distresses (which have To his royal highness the prince regent.”" been brought upon our country by the villainous "We,his majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, now oligarchy who misgoverned it,) induced to leave resident in the city of New-York, beg leave to ex- our dearest connections and friends, we still loved press our most sincere and most hearty sympathy that country, whilst we hated its oppressors. I in the recent bereavment of the royal family; but must now propose that all citizens of this country <we trust that Divine Providence will enable your will withdraw, as this meeting ought to consist of royal highness, and all the other members of your British subjects, (several persons then withdrew) illustrious house, to see his hand in the calamitous-be then concluded by seconding the address." - event, and that the loyalty, spirit, and attachment The chairman wished Mr. Clark to read the proof the British people will enable them to surmount test, each paragraph to be pu separately to the - this as they have surmounted other great and try vote, which he did; at the end of each sentence he ing evils, and hand down to the latest posterity, was interrupted by the enthusiastic applause of unimpaired, that constitution of king, lords, and the assembly; it was unanimously (with the excepcommons, which has in times of unexampled diffi-ion of five non contents) agreed to. culty and danger, proved not only the safe guard

Mr. Wm. Clark came forward and observed, that he held in his hand the copy of the protest which was intended for the consideration of the meeting, but before he proceeded to read it, he thought it necessary that they should be in possession of the "address of condolence" which had been acceded to by some of his countrymen, at the British consulate office; he here read the address as follows:

PROTEST.

of the British people; but the delivery of Europe, We, the undersigned natives of Great Britian and and the world, and above all, we trust that our glo-Ireland,at present residing in the city of New-York, rious constitution (more dear to us by absence and in the name of the above meeting, have seen with experience) will continue to flourish under the star a mixture of contempt and indignation, an "ad. of Brunswick, which has lighted it to his present dress of condolence" to the prince regent of Eng

land, emanating from an officer of that government wick," which has lighted it(England) to its present which has brought our country to bankruptcy and pre-eminence in glory" !!!, b Because we cannot see the glory of being plung wretchedness, by the unjust and wicked counsels of the members of what ought to be the people's ed in debt upwards of a thousand millions of guardian, the house of commons; four hundred and pounds, taking from the people forty five millions eighty-six of whom are returned by corrupt influ sterling yearly to pay its interest-we cannot see ence; upwards of three hundred and sixty of what that it is GLORY, when four millions of our country. are called the representatives of the people, are sent men are paupers, occasioned by unjust, unnecessary to that "sink of corruption," by seventy-one peers and bloody wars, entered into by the Boroughmanof the realm, who have seats in what is insultinglygers, through the medium of the king, and not by styled the upper house, or as Fayette ludicrously the people, who have to defray the expense, to "force upon a brave nation a family they abhorred; named it, the "HEREDITARY HOUSE OF LEGISLATORS.' We assert decidedly and unequivocally, that we we cannot see that it is GLORY, to have been the are ashamed of the conduct of our countrymen who cause of restoring the "beloved Ferdinand," and could be so weak or so base as to agree to, and with him the inquisition, which Napoleon had design an address of condolence to the regent on the stroyed-we cannot see that it is GLORY, to keep a death of his daughter, when it must on a moment's magnanimous and conquered foe, a close prisoner consideration, have occurred to them that the at St. Helena, in time of profound peace, for no father, the prince regent of England, has endea-other reason, than, that we have the power to do voured to bastardize the late princess Charlotte of it-we cannot see that it is GLORY, for the people of Saxe Coburg, by producing persons to swear that England to be taxed to support an army of merce ood stained the mother, bis wife, the princess of Wales, had naries, to keep on the throne of his blood-stained been guilty of adultry-when it must have oc-ancestors, Louis the eighteenth. Because we cannot see that it is GLORY which curred to that portion of the meeting who are still Englishmen, who met at his Britannic majesty's con-compels so many of our countrymen to leave their sul's office in Broad street New York, where the ad. relations, their friends, and all that are dear to dress of condolence was passed, that the young prin- them, to leave what is sacred to every Briton, his cess made her escape from her father's palace, to a-country-to seek in the cities and wilds of America void his (the prince regent's) treatment, and those under him, to her; she was compelled to endure, not only the company of a disagreeable old woman who was an enemy of her mother's,but her ill usage also; she that never had been out alone, and never walked the streets of London by herself, wisely sought her safety by flying to the protection of an injured and innocent mother: this she did by going into the street and hiring a hackney coach to take her to Blackheath, where her affectionate mother resided. Taking as we ought the above circumstances in. to our consideration, we highly disapprove of vot. ing him an "address of condolence" on the death of a good and amiable daughter, that he the re. gent had so cruelly treated while alive.

Because we cannot on the present occasion avoid making some observations on what the adulatory, fawning and sycophantic address of interested men, amongst whom are those who had disowned their country, and taken a false oath of allegiance to the American government, say of the "star of Bruns.

that protection, liberty, and comfort, which is not to be enjoyed in our own country. We cannot see that it is GLORY for such men as Liverpool;Sidmouth, Castlereagh, Canning, and others, to employ spies and informers in all parts of the country, to seduce the innocent and then betray them, as has been done and acknowledged by ministers themselves, in order that they might hold their usurped and un merited places, pensions and sinecures, at the expense of an industrious, though starving people.We cannot see that it is Gzony in those ministers rewarding their spies with offices as consuls at foreign courts, as they lately have the miscreant Reynolds, well known as the notorious informer in Ireland. And lastly, we cannot see the GLORY OF that system under the "Star of Brunswick," which causes men, and Englishmen, to be put up by auction, on a Saturday evening, the same as the black slaves in the southern states of this country and the

West Indies.

We not only object to the above measures, (stated by the addressers of condolence to the glory of Great Britain) but we assert that a different system We have for many years heard it stated as an ought to be adopted; a system of economy similar acknowledged fact, and never knew the contrary into the one used in this happy country, where from sinuated, that the prince regent, immediately after recent experience our minds are impressed with the the consummation of bis marriage, openly and pub-fullest conviction of the compatibility of strict ecolicly spoke of his wife as if she then was what he afterwards attempted to prove her to be. In this attempt he failed-and though the public has not thought that the wife was altogether faultless, most persons have believed she was "more sinned against than sinning," The matrimonial connection existed but a very short time between the parties. They were hardly joined before it was resolved that they should part.

nomy with the amplest means of national glory, and of the perfect consistency of a plain and well regulated system of government, with a puare dminis tration of justice, which in the great simplicity of our understandings, we take to be the honest and successfu, application of the power and resources of a nation to its own real interests.35 tea2”

Mr. Clark, in reply to an observation made by one of the "sons of corruption," who recognised him Taking the facts that are known, together with as the president of Spa Fields meeting, said, that those that are so confidently stated, and consider-it was not because we had crossed the Atlantic, ing the whole of the conduct of the regent towards that the attachment to his country was diminished; his wife and her child, it is not easy to apprehend no! what, he would ask, would be said by our counhe ever believed that the deceased Charlotte trymen in Great Britain and Ireland, when they was really his daughter, though reasons of state came to read an address, in which sentiments were arising from the strange situation of the "family," expressed as emanating from persons, who, when induced him to acknowledge her as such: nor is it in their own country, were known to hold opipossible that that daughter could have respected nions directly opposite; would we wish our counor loved the persecutor of an affectionate mother. trymen to suppose, that because we enjoyed ED. REG. perfect freedom, that we were less anxious about

Mr. Davies said he had to propose a congratulatory address to the Prince Regent; we ought to thank him for the many brilliant virtues which he possesed, and the good moral example which he set to his majesty's subjects; we ought to thank him for his example of fidelity to his wife, and his cruelty to his daughter; we ought to express our thanks to him for his care in watching over our liberties, and destroying our freedom.

Neuse river; and to have such other surveys made connected with the main objects of these resolutions, as in their opinion may be useful for the information of the legislature; and that they report to the next general assembly.

Internal Improvements.

Mr. Breck offered, in the senate of Pennsylvania, on the 18th Dec. the following resolution, proposing an amendment to the constitution of the United States.

Resolved by the senate and house of representatives of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania,in general assembly met, that our senators in congress be instructed, and our members in the house of repreOn a motion made by Mr. W. Clark, it was re-sentatives be requested, to use their endeavors to solved, That the protest be signed by the chair. have a joint resolution passed, recommending the man and the committee, in the name and on behalf following amendment to the constitution of the of the meeting. United States to the legislatures of the several states:

William Clark, John Savage, Henry Cobbett, George Truman, Joseph Boston, Edmund Jermyn, James Castigan, John Binger, John Houghton, James Bowden,

THOMAS BRYAN, Chairman.

COMMITTEE

Charles Barker,
H. W. Donnelly,
Wm. Edgson,
Thomas Wakefield,
Francis Paris,
Samuel Frankish,
Reuben Cudlipp,
Thomas Sparshott,
Charles Bray.

Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be given to Mr. T. Bryan, for his able conduct and impartiality in the chair.

C. BARKER, Secretary,

North Carolina.

Raleigh, N. C. Dec. 26. Our legislature rose on Wednesday last, after passing thirty acts of a gene ral nature, and seventy of private import.

"Congress shall have power to pass laws appropriating money for public education, for constructing roads and canals, and improving the navigation of water courses. Provided however, That no road or canal shall be conducted in any state, nor the navigation of its waters improved without the consent of such state. And provided also, That when ever congress shall appropriate money to these objects, the amount thereof (except for public education, which is left to the discresion of congress,) shall be distributed among the several states, in the ratio of representation which each state shall have in the most numerous branch of the national legislature. But the portion of any state with its own consent, may be applted to the purpose aforesaid in any other state."

Foreign Articles.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

From a London paper of Dec. 4.-Las Casas, the The resolutions of the general assembly of 1816, private secretary of Bonaparte, stated sometime directing certain surveys to be made of the Albe-ago to have been sent from St. Helena, arrived in marle and Croatan and Pamplico Sounds, were continued in force by the session just closed, and the commissioners are requested to have said surveys made, and report them to the next assembly.

And the resolutions directing surveys to be made of the Roanoake, Tar, Neuse, Cape Fear, Yadkin and Catawba Rivers; also directing surveys to be made of the country between Rocky river and the Catawba, and between the Yadkin and Cape Fear, with a view of ascertaining the practicability of uniting those rivers by canals; and also directing the employment of a principal engineer for the state, and the purchase of charts and maps, are continued in full force, and Peler Browne, John Haywood, Joseph Sales, William Boylan, and A. D. Murphey, are appointed commissioners for carry. ing said resolutions into effect; and they have pow. er to employ one or more engineers for that pur pose.

Said commissioners are also requested to have surveyed the ground between the Roanoake at or near Ply mouth, and Pungo River, in order to as certain whether it be practicable to unite the said rivers by a canal, and the probable cost of such canal.

That they also have the necessary surveys made to ascertain whether it be practicable to unite by canals the waters of Roanoke with those of Tar siver and the waters of Tar river with those of the

the river Thames from the Cape of Good Hope, in the Brilliant, merchantman. Upon his arrival at Gravesend, he was taken to the alien office in that town, where his person being identified, he was forthwith embarked in another vessel, and sent off to Dover; while all his effects, trunks and papers, were left on board the Brilliant, no doubt to undergo examination. On his arrival at Dover on Satur day night, he was put on board the Lord Duncan packet, for Ostend!

A person, intimate with Las Casas, mentions that he acquainted him, that, previous to his leaving St. Helena, his baggage was strictly examined by order of the governor, and that a packet, containing the history of Bonaparte, written by Las Casas, at the immediate desire of Bonaparte, and under his di rection, was taken from him. He made pressing applications that it might be returned, which the governor pointedly refused-at length it was agreed that this most extraordinary document should remain in the possession of gen. Lowe, and, with his sanction, Las Casas affixed his seal, that the packet should not be opened without his consent.

Las Casas states, that he knows more of the history of Bonaparte than any other person, being for a series of years his private secretary-and to no other person did Bonaparte ever disclose his mind. Las Casas is a middle-aged man; his son, a youth of 12 or 13 years of age, accompanies him.