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JAN. 24, 1833.]

The Tariff Bill.

[H. OF R.

pendence is but a name-full of sound, but meaning for reducing us either to a dependence on that nation, nothing. or be clothed in skins, and live like wild beasts in My first inquiry shall be, was this system established in dens and caverns. I am proud to say I am not one of wisdom at the beginning? Preliminary, however, to an- them."

swering this question, I will state a fact which is matter Thus, Mr. Chairman, you see Mr. Jefferson, the great of well authenticated history, and will not be disputed by founder of republicanism, was decidedly in favor, not any body. It is this: There is no nation which has reach- only of protecting duties, but even of prohibition. I ed any degree of eminence, in either agriculture, com- hope his professed followers here, (and gentlemen must merce, or manufactures, but has had the protective sys- excuse me for qualifying the term, for I do not believe tem incorporated into their laws. England, as I will show any gentleman, who is opposed to protecting American in the sequel, protects her home industry by a duty upon industry, is a true disciple of Thomas Jefferson,) I say, I all our principal staples, which excludes them almost en- hope his professed followers here will note this fact, that tirely from her markets. But more of this after a while. Thomas Jefferson, from whom they all pretend to have The question now is, was the system of protecting our imbibed their political creed, was himself a high, yea, an own farmers and mechanics a wise one at the beginning? ultra protectionist. He felt and expressed himself as every I think I need state but a few of the names and opinions American should. of those who founded it, to ensure the ready assent to the Mr. Madison, in 1809, held this language: affirmative of this proposition by every true American. At the head of my list stands proudly pre-eminent the father of his country.

As early as December, 1796, General Washington used the following short and pithy interrogatory, by way of asserting a proposition:

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'Ought our country to remain dependent on foreign supply; precarious, because liable to be interrupted?"

"That it is not unworthy of reflection, that the arbitrary edicts of contending nations to obstruct our trade with them, have, so far, abridged our means of procuring the productions and manufactures of which our own is now taking their place."

In his message of 1815 he said:

"There is no subject which can enter with greater force into the deliberations of Congress, than a consideration of the means to preserve and promote the manufactures which have sprung into existence in the United States during the European wars."

Even at this early period of our history, General Washington saw and felt the importance of being independent of foreign Powers for every thing that was essential to our comfort or prosperity. He saw that, when we pur- So you see, sir, Mr. Madison thought that no subject sued nothing but agriculture and commerce, it was liable could enter with greater force into the deliberations of to be interrupted in a thousand ways; war, for instance, Congress. What higher commendation could he bestow or any other whim of the monarchs with whom we were upon the "American system," than this? None. He carrying on commerce, would put an end to it, and we had seen our commerce driven from the ocean. He had should be thrown back upon our own resources, wholly seen our ships rotting in our docks, and our corn and unprepared for the shock. He saw, under this system of wheat rotting in our granaries. He saw us destitute of free trade, as it is now called, that, for months, and for many of the necessaries of life. He had seen our soldiers years at a time, our vessels would be compelled to lay at in the late war freezing for the want of blankets and anchor, and our agricultural products to rot in our barns. other necessary clothing. These were lessons of expeHow was this distressing state of things to be avoided? rience which he has never forgot.

Why, by establishing the "American system," of making In 1821 Mr. Monroe recommended the subject to every thing within ourselves, and always taking care to Congress; and in his message to this body, in 1823, he sell more than we bought; by diversifying employment; said:

by withdrawing a part of our capital and labor from com

"I recommend a review of the tariff, for the purpose

merce and agriculture, and devoting it to home manufac- of affording such additional protection to those articles tures; thereby furnishing ourselves with the necessaries of which we are prepared to manufacture, or which are life, and at the same time creating a steady home market more immediately connected with the defence and indefor a vast amount of agricultural products. Thus we pendence of our country."

should be wholly independent of all foreign Powers; and Now, sir, I have given you the opinions of four of the unless we could carry on commerce with them upon prin- most illustrious citizens that this or any other country ciples of equality, we would not carry it on at all. Their has ever produced. And what is remarkable, they were wars and revolutions might rage with the utmost fury, all born south of the Potomac; were all raised, and lived, we could still carry on our system; but, upon the other and died, south of the Potomac. After this, sir, that principle, every little disturbance in Europe produced the "American system" should meet with opposition distress and ruin here. Mr. Jefferson said, in 1808: south of the Potomac, and, especially, that it should "The suspension of our commerce, [just as General meet with opposition in old Virginia, to me is matter of Washington had said it would be,] produced by the in- profound astonishment, and, unaffectedly, I say, of deep justice of the belligerent Powers, and the consequent regret. losses and sacrifices of our citizens, are subjects of just I have shown the committee now what the opinions of concern. The situation into which we have been forced, these distinguished citizens were from time to time. I has compelled us to employ a portion of our industry and will now show you what was Virginia sentiment among capital to internal manufacturing improvements; and little the bulk of the people at home. doubt remains, that the establishments formed, and forming, will, under the auspices of cheaper materials and subsistence, the freedom of labor from taxation with us, and of protecting duties and prohibitions, become permanent."

In 1816, he wrote to a friend thus:

[From the Virginia Argus.]

"HENRICO, June 25, 1808. "I shall be troublesome to you, I fear, if I were to write half what I think ought to be said on the subject of " American manufactures.'

"That, to be independent for the comforts of life, we "At present I will only say, that if the President of must fabricate them ourselves. We must now place the the United States, the heads of the departments, the manufacturer by the side of the agriculturist. The grand Governor, councillors of the State, judges and lawyers, inquiry now is, shall we make our own comforts, or go the members of both Houses of Congress, and of the without them, at the will of a foreign nation? He, there-State Legislature, would publicly wear clothes of 'Amefore, who is now against domestic manufactures, must be rican manufacture,' their example would be followed by

H. OF R.

and feathered.'

The Tariff Bill.

"AN ASSOCIATOR OF "74."

[JAN. 24, 1833.

every citizen who is not a hardened tory, and who would tacle of this day was the large number of Virginia cloth well deserve a full suit of British broadcloth, well 'tarred suits which adorned [mark, sir, they adorned] the persons of our citizens. It was a badge for the consolation and encouragement of the belligerent Powers of Europe. I will read you now, sir, an extract of an address of Upon this homespun, enthusiasm and the spirit of inde Charles Magill, L. A. Washington, and others, to the far- pendence have stamped all the value, all the pride of or mers of Frederick county: nament. Many of their manufactures, although cbtained at a very short notice, were handsome specimens of what our skill is competent to accomplish. When the use of our own cloth shall become the fashion of the State, a it is rapidly becoming, the wheels and looms of Virginia will not be deficient in the fineness and elegance of European fabrics."

"Farmers: We propose to have a meeting on the 4th of July, at ten o'clock, at Mr. Baldwin's wool factory, near Perkins's mills, in this county, for the purpose of forming some plan for improving the breed of sheep. The golden opportunity of taking this first step towards the encouragement of domestic manufactures, ought certainly to be embraced by all those Americans who value the independence of their country."

I will now read an extract or two from a fourth of July celebration in Goochland county.

The company were generally dressed in Virginia cloth. Among the regular toasts was the following: "Domestic Manufactures.--They well co-operate with our republican system to perpetuate the blessings of independence."

This, sir, was a regular toast; and the understanding is, on such occasions, that a regular toast expresses the sentiment of the whole company.

Now, sir, after all this, who can doubt the paternity of the "American system?" Is it not old Virginia's legiti mate offspring? If she has a descendant upon the face of the earth, this is one. She conceived it--she brought it forth.

Now, if Washington had wisdom and love of country, then this system was founded in wisdom and love of cour try. If Jefferson had wisdom and love of country, then this system was built up, and carried to its present height, by wisdom and love of country. In short, if Madison, if Monroe, if the whole shining constellation of Virginia statesmen, who gave her the elevated standing The next extract which I shall read, is a very high and which she once had, were endowed with wisdom and vir very just compliment paid to my distinguished friend tue, then this system was founded in wisdom and virtue. from Massachusetts, who sits before me. I make this But, sir, for the sake of argument, I will suppose that extract not in the spirit of a parasite to flatter my friend, it was originally founded in error, and that it has been but I do it to show that, in those days of true American left to us, in 1833, to find it out. What shall now be feeling in Virginia, she could admire and bear witness to done? Will it be either wise or honest in us to abolish it, talent and virtue wherever found, even on the north of and to abolish it without premeditation or consultation the Potomac. They, on the occasion referred to, usher with our constituents? For, sir, I have met with no ma in the name of my honorable friend with this senti- who has had the hardihood to say that, when he left home, his constituents expected that this question would "John Quincy Adams.-So long as the Temple of Li- be agitated at this session. Even supposing, for argu berty is worshipped in America, may the part he acted ment's sake, that the system had been conceived in error, while in the Senate of the United States be hailed with I say it would be unwise and dishonest in us now to rapture and delight." abolish it. In order to ensure a universal concurrence The following toast is taken from the fourth of July in this position, I think I need but state a few leading celebration in Mecklenburg: "The manufacturing genius of our countrymen. The The laws which have been passed by Congress were wrongs of Britain first roused it; the aggressions of intended to invite men of capital and of skill to embark France will continue it; and the patriotism of our citizens in this business. I say the laws were intended to invite them; and at every consecutive step which we have made, We are now about to "reward it," by prostrating it the faith of the nation was most solemnly pledged that and them at the feet of British power, and by sending they should be protected against foreign competition. their wives and children beggars upon a cold and uncha- Under these oft repeated pledges, the capital, the ritable world. Yes, sir, I feel authorized to say, that, if skill, and labor of our most patriotic and worthy citizera this bill pass, it will work the complete overthrow and have been embarked to a very large amount.

ment:

will reward it."

ing up ever since the foundation of the republic.

facts.

ruin of the whole system, which has been gradually build- The aggregate capital which is now vested in domes tic manufactures is, at least, two hundred and fifty mil At the celebration in Amelia, I find the following most lions. To destroy this capital alone, without considering excellent sentiment among the general toasts: any of its attendant evils, would produce a shock upon "Domestic Manufactures. Without them no nation can society that would be felt-convulsively felt--from one be truly independent." extremity of this Union to the other. But I will proceed The next toast which I will read pays to my friend with some additional facts. And I will take this occasion another, and, if any thing, a higher compliment than that to say, that my most material facts are derived from the which I have previously read. It ascribes to him (and I reports of the New York convention. These facts have, verily believe most justly) a cardinal virtue in a politician, for some time, been before the public. They are the re and which I regret much to say, sir, so few possess in sult of patient examination made by our own citizens,

these times:

John Quincy Adams.-The patriot who preferred his floor to teach us political economy. No, sir! I will ne foreigners, whose opinions I have heard read upon this country to his party: the passing cloud will make his get our rivals in England to give me advice. I choose to brightness more conspicuous and valued." take it from our own citizens, who are perfectly familia: I have no doubt but this will be the judgment of pos- with the whole business. The facts which these intell terity-the high eulogium which they will pass upon his gent and responsible American citizens have put forth whole political life. He preferred his country to his and signed with their own names, have never, thst 1 haft seen or heard, been controverted in one jot or tittle. The next and only extract which I will read is from the they are not true, and can be controverted, I should be much pleased to hear some gentleman do so upon this

party."

Richmond Enquirer of July 5, 1808:

"Yesterday was celebrated in this city with its custo- floor. mary honors. One of the most striking parts of the spec

The first branch of American industry to which I will

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call the attention of the committee, is that of iron. My first business under this head will be to show that the duty on foreign iron has not raised the price to the consumer, but that it has caused a very considerable reduction. STATEMENT C,

Showing the effects of a tariff of protection on the article of iron at Pittsburg and Cincinnati.

In the years 1818, '19 and '20, bar iron in Pittsburg sold at from 190 to 200 dollars per ton. Now the price is 100 dollars per ton.

In the same years, boiler iron was 350 dollars per ton. Now at 140 dollars per ton.

Sheet iron was but little made in those years, and sold for 18 dollars per cwt. Now made in abundance, and sold at 8 dollars per cwt.

Hoop iron, under same circumstances, was then 250 dollars, and is now 120 dollars.

Axes were then 24 dollars per dozen, and are now 12 dollars.

Scythes are now 50 per cent. lower than they were then--as are spades and shovels.

Iron hoes were in those years 9 dollars per dozen. Now a very superior article of steel hoes at 4 to 4 dollars. Socket shovels are made at 44 dollars by the same in

dozen.

dividual who, a few years ago, sold them at 12 dollars per Slater's patent stoves, imported from England, sold in Pittsburg at 350 to 400 dollars. A much superior article is now made there, and sold for 125 to 150 dollars. English vices then sold for 20 to 22 cents per lb. Now a superior article is sold at 10 to 10.

Braziers' rods in 1824 were imported, and cost 14 cents per lb. or $313 60 per ton. Now supplied to any amount of to diameter, at 130 dollars per ton.

Steam engines have fallen in price since 1823 one-half, and they have one-half more work on them.

The engine at the Union rolling mill, (Pittsburg,) in 1819, cost 11,000 dollars. A much superior one, of 130 horse power, for Sligo mill, cost, in 1826, 3,000.

In 1830, there were made in Pittsburg one hundred steam engines.

In 1831, one hundred and fifty will be made, averaging 2,000 dollars; or 300,000 in that article alone. A two horse power engine costs 250 dollars; six horse, 500 dollars; eight to nine horse, 700 dollars. These last are the prices, delivered and put up.

At least 600 tons of iron made in Pittsburg are manufactured into other articles before it leaves the city, from steam engines of the largest size, down to a threepenny nail. Eight rolling and slitting mills, of the largest power, are in the city of Pittsburg, five of which have been erected since 1828.

[H. OF R.

average, at least 500 dollars more than in England, owing to the cheapness of iron in Great Britain. It is still dearer in the United States than in France.

Here it is asserted that a six horse power steam engine costs 500 dollars more in France than it does in England, and that it is still dearer in the United States than in France. Now it so happens, that in the United States, at Pittsburg, a steam engine, of that power, can be put up, ready for action, for the identical sum of 500 dollars. Prices of Iron al Cincinnati.

1814 to 1818, bar iron 200 to 220 dollars per ton--now 100, 105, 110. The fall in prices has been nearly as follows: 1826, bar iron assorted, 125

to 135 dollars

1827,

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120

to 130

do.

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112 to 122

do.

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Castings, including hollow ware, 1814 to 1818, 120 to 130 dollars per ton: present price, 60 to 65, and the quality much improved.

STATEMENT D.

The duties on iron imported into the United States were, in 1804 to 1812, 15 per cent.; double war duties from 1812 to 1816. In 1816, duties, rolled iron, 30 dol

lars per ton: hammered, nine dollars. The law of 1816, fixing the duties at these rates, ruined many of the manufacturers, and compelled them to abandon their works. By the act of April 20, 1818, the duty on hammered iron was raised to 15 dollars. This, in some measure, revived the manufacture, and many who had abandoned, resumed their operations. The foreign manufacturerer, to keep possession of the market, offered his iron at a less price; so that there was an actual decline here. In 1824, the duty on hammered iron was raised to 18 dollars, and in 1828 to $22 40. These additions to the duty had no permanent effect in raising the price. The foreign manufacturer could not advance his prices beyond those of 1824, because the American iron maker supplied the market at those rates; and iron at a duty of $22 40, sells at less than it did at one of nine dollars. The foreign manufacturer has been compelled to take the additional duties from his profits, and these deductions from his profits have been paid into the treasury of the United States, without adding to the price paid by the American consumer.

The following table shows the operation of the additional duty levied since 1818 on hammered iron alone. Tons. 1818, imported of hammered iron 13,931 1819,

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the United States, on the subject of iron, is appended, Since ascertained 30,973 tons, of which only 439 tons were British. among other papers, one in which it is stated that "it is the small amount of the latter importation is the best possible evinow ascertained that the superiority of England over dence of the bad quality of English iron, as stated in the subsequent France is entirely due to the cheapness of iron: a six pages, and of its unfitness for the usual purposes to which hammered horse steam engine, for instance, in France, costs, on the iron is applied. All such iron pays the same duty.-Permanent Com

mittee.

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29,202

654,141

estimated* 29,202

654,141

2,716,920

H. OF R.]

STATEMENT E.

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But this aspect of the case is not the beginning of the evil which the community are doomed to suffer from this rash, The following calculations were made by Hardman precipitous, and blind legislation. The annual product of Phillips and George Valentine, and are derived from the iron in the United States is estimated to be worth thirteen average returns submitted to the committee from two million three hundred and twenty-nine thousand seven counties, those most extensively engaged in the manufac-hundred and sixty dollars, which, if the business fails, is ture of iron in Pennsylvania, namely Centre and Hun-stricken out of existence, and is so much clear loss every tingdon, and have been carefully verified by a comparison year to the wealth of the nation. You deprive, moreover, with returns from 73 furnaces and 132 forges.

For each ton of bar iron and castings made, the following agricultural produce is found to be consumed: 20 bushels wheat and rye, average, at 75 cents $15 57 lbs. pork

43 lbs. beef

10 lbs. butter

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For every ten tons of bar iron, one horse is employed one whole year, worth 100 dollars, and experience shows that the mortality among horses so employed is, per annum, one in seven, and constitutes a charge per ton of For fruit and vegetables, of which no return has been made, we feel justified in putting down

00

twenty-nine thousand two hundred and fifty-four laborers and mechanics of the employment by which they earn their daily bread for themselves and families! You de prive one hundred and forty-six thousand two hundred 2 85 and seventy-three souls of subsistence, until those on whom 1 72 they depend can seek a new channel for their labor. In 1 25 the mean time there must be great and universal suffering. 60 You throw out of circulation eight million seven hundred 3 50 and seventy-six thousand four hundred and twenty dollars in wages paid to the laborers. Is this all? No, sir. You take from the farmers four million four hundred and ninety dollars, which they receive annually from the iron ma nufacturers for agricultural products!!

1943

100

Now, how will these arrangements work? What is to become of the twenty thousand laborers who are to be thrown out of the iron employment? At least nineteentwentieths of them will be driven into agriculture, which 27 35 is already able to overstock the market. The farmers Which, multiplied by the quantity of bar iron and castings, will be deprived of a market where they have been able will give the sum of 3,415,850 dollars, paid by the iron to send upwards of four millions worth of produce. The manufacturers, and those employed by them, to the far-will this ruinous policy cut upon the farmer like a twoedged sword. The supply of agricultural products will

mers.

The same returns enable them to state that every five be greatly increased, and the demand for them diminished tons of iron, as above made, requires one able-bodied man to an amount of at least four millions. Sir, if a more runthroughout the year, or, in the whole, 24,979; and, as ous state of things could be devised for the farmer, Panit appears that, upon an average, each one of these has dora, the goddess of evil, must do it. And why are our four dependent upon him, it follows that 124,895 persons establishments to be broken down? Why are our citizens are supported by this branch of industry, in its first stages; to be thrown out of employment? Why are we to be laid and the average of the wages of the workmen being fully low at the feet of British power? Is it that we are to get one dollar per day, or say 300 per annum, they receive iron cheaper? No! For we get it cheaper now than we for wages, in the whole, the large sum of 7,493,700 dollars ever have before. Are we to get better iron? No, We for the labor of one year. get better iron now than we ever did before. Why, then, sir, in the name of Heaven, is this sweeping desolation to be brought upon the country?

The expense of transporting this iron to the different markets, by land and water, may be estimated at an average of ten dollars per ton, amounting to 1,248,940 dollars; The same remarks will apply to all our manufacturing the whole of which is distributed among those engaged establishments. Iron is left in a better condition than in the transportation and coasting trade of the country, any of them, and those who are best acquainted with and subdivided among those who furnish subsistence to that subject say it cannot stand if the present bill pass the many persons employed, and in furnishing means for

this branch of the business.

These facts show conclusively that the consumer gets a better article, and at a lower price, than he did before protection was extended to this branch of industry. Aggregate of iron made in the United States.

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Paid for food furnished by farmers

If iron cannot stand, then, what is to become of wool lens and other interests, which have a protection so far below that of iron? Why, as a matter of course, they must be prostrated immediately, and at once. I will, therefore, attempt to show the committee the amount of capital in a few other branches of American industry, and which, if this bill pass, might as well be thrown into 112,866 the ocean. I will also show the number of persons em 191,536 ployed, and the number dependent upon these institu 13,329,760 tions for the bread they eat. As it will not be in my

29,254 power to review every branch, I will take a few which
146,273 will bring the question home directly to every man's

8,776,420 bosom and fireside.
4,000,490

But before I leave this subject, as the manufacturers

This, sir, I feel warranted in saying, falls very far short are charged with making most enormous profits, let us

of the full amount of this business. There are several furnaces and forges, within my knowledge, which do a very considerable business, and which are not here enumerated.

look a little into the accusation.

one year in the United States is
The aggregate value of all the iron manufactured in

Deduct from this the pay to the workmen
and laborers

$13,329,760

8,776,420

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But, sir, take the iron business as here stated, and abolish it, and what will be the effect upon society? You destroy one hundred and twelve thousand eight hundred and sixty-six tons of bar iron, and one hundred and ninety-one thousand and thrty-six tons of pig iron. Do you think cultural products this would not be likely to raise the price of iron to the consumer? I will not answer this question, but will leave

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it with the American farmers and mechanics to judge. subject to the wear and tear of machinery, and all con

INDEX TO THE DEBATES IN THE SENATE.

American State Papers, a proposition for extending the
subscription to a continuation of the work; reso-
lution ordered to be engrossed, and was after-
wards passed, 786.

Calhoun, Mr., his resolutions declaratory of the nature and
powers of the Government, 191, 750; laid on the
table, 785.

Chaplain, the Rev. Mr. Pise appointed, 6.
Commercial statements, a resolution for printing the an
nual statements of commerce and navigation was
taken up, 6; agreed to, 7; considered and laid
on the table, 10.
Constitutional powers, Mr. Clayton's resolution on the
subject, 231.

Crimes, a bill supplementary to an act for the more effi-
cient punishment of crimes against the United
States, 12.
Cumberland road, a bill for continuing this road from
Vandalia to Jefferson, 51; taken up, 119; re-
sumed, 359, and bill ordered to a third reading;
bill passed, 486.

District Code of Laws, ordered to be printed in the re-
cess of Congress, 786.

Documents in the State Department, a resolution for em-
ploying temporary clerks for copying documents
in relation to the French treaty of indemnity, 79;
taken up, 122; agreed to, 123.
Duties on imports, a bill further to provide for the col-
lection of imposts, 150; taken up, 280, and or-
dered to be engrossed; bill passed, 688.
Endless life, a petition for land from persons who pro-
fessed to have discovered endless life, referred,
98.
Explanation by Mr. Clay, in relation to a misunderstand-
ing between Mr. Poindexter and Mr. Webster,
810.

Force bill. (See Duties.)
Frauds on the revenue, a resolution for inquiring into

the expediency of making further provision for
the protection of the revenue, 11, agreed to;
bill taken up, 244; ordered to be engrossed,
601; passed, 688.

French spoliations, a bill to provide for the satisfaction of
claims due to certain American citizens, 5; re-
ferred; reported with an amendment, 12; a bill
reported and taken up, 98; agreed to, 99.
Government, on the nature and powers of, (see Mr. Cal-
houn's resolution,) 191, 750.

Interest to States, a bill providing for the final settlement
of the claims of States, 6.

Lands, public, notice given by Mr. Clay of his intention
of again bringing forward his bill for disposing
of the public land, 5; bill introduced, 6, and re-
ferred to the Committee on Public Lands; bill
reported with a proposed amendment; taken up,
61; ordered to a third reading, 231; bill passed,

235.

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Powers of the Government, three resolutions defining
these powers, 191, 750; laid on the table, 785.
six resolutions offered as substitutes, 192.
President pro tempore balloted for; Mr. White, of Ten-
nessee, elected, 2.

his acknowledgments to the Senate, 3.
President's message received, 3. (See the Appendix for
a copy of it.)

veto on the bill of last session, providing for the
final settlement of the claims of States for inte-
rest on advances to the United States during the
late war, 3; laid on the table, 4.
Presidential election, a day fixed for counting the electo-
ral votes, 359; the votes counted, and Andrew
Jackson was declared to be elected President,
and Martin Van Buren Vice President, 487.
Printer to Congress, the resolution for his election taken
up, 587.
Proclamation, a copy of the President's, in relation to
South Carolina, called for, 99; proposition laid
on the table, 100; agreed to, 104.
Revenue. (See Frauds on, and Duties.)
Secretary of the Treasury called upon for a detailed state-
ment of articles of foreign growth or manu-
facture on which, in his opinion, the duties ought
to be reduced, &c., 8; agreed to, 27.
Senate called to order by the Secretary, 2.
Sheathing copper, a bill to amend the act to amend the
several acts imposing duties on imports, ordered
to be engrossed, 661.

South

Carolina resolutions, in reply to the President's
proclamation, 80.

Spanish claims, a resolution instructing the Committee on
Foreign Relations to inquire into the expediency

of obtaining evidence deposited in the State De-
partment, 38; agreed to.

Special order, a resolution for changing the hour of taking
it up, agreed to, 359.

Standing committees appointed, 4.
Tariff, a resolution introduced calling on the Secretary
of the Treasury to furnish the project of a bill
for reducing the duties on imports, in conformi-
ty with the suggestions in his report, 6.

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