H. OF R.]

The Tariff Bill.

[JAN. 24, 1855.

with annihilation; a deadly blow aimed at our most im- Chairman, I will add here, that even our Southern plantportant national institution, the Bank; while, by the bill er might in the end deeply deplore what he now SO before you, which comes directly from the Executive much seeks. Displace the 78,000,000 pounds of raw cotDepartments, as it were, the whole protective system is ton, equal to 220,000 bales, of 360 pounds each, now levelled with the dust. Not even has the judiciary es- consumed here by our own factories, whatever argument caped. What, then, is left for us to do? Nothing, Mr. may be brought to the contrary, that would be deeply Chairman, but firmly and manfully to adhere to the con- felt. But, further, this would be followed by the impor stitution as we believe in it, and to fearlessly expose the ruin which on all sides threatens. And this, sir, brings me more immediately to the bill now before you. I shall not detain the committee much longer, Mr. Chairman. I am aware of the fatigue which every member must feel after a session so protracted as the one we have had to-day. I feel it myself sufficiently. I shall endeavor to come speedily to a close.

tation of goods made from an equal amount of cotton from Surat, Cutch, and thereabouts, the most inferior of all cottons, inevitably unless, by way of counteraction, the price of cotton is brought down to five or six cents; which think, sir, can be but illy afforded. I would ask the honorable members from South Carolina to consider this matter maturely, and then say if they are prepared to aid in breaking up all our cotton factories, which now furnish I have not been able to discover one feature of the bill so sure a market for their cottons, in preference to the from the Committee of Ways and Means, to which I can coarse cottons of India. Besides, sir, was it not clearly give my sanction. Approving of its object, of reducing proved to us last session by my honorable friend from Loui the revenue to meet the existing state of affairs in the siana, [Mr. BULLARD,] that they could raise there at least country, I disapprove altogether of the means proposed to two pounds to one raised in Carolina? And does not this effect it; nor do I stand alone in this-not one single voice bill go to reduce the duty on sugar, another capital in of approval has reached us from any quarter in refer- terest attacked by it; and does not this of necessity drive ence to it. It is universally considered, as I am sure it the sugar planter to the cultivation of cotton? I ask the will prove, entirely destructive of all the best interests Southern gentlemen to look well to this; to reflect calmly of the country. It does not even possess the recommen- on this subject, and pause before it be too late. dation of being satisfactory to the South. It ruins nine- An examination into the operation of this bill against teen-twentieths, and is unpalatable to the residue. It the woollen interests, would result, Mr. Chairman, in a appears to have been hurried through the committee with much more fearful exposure of its ruinous tendency. as much haste as it was attempted to be pushed through This, sir, as is well known, is the interest in which our this House, and with as little consideration too. It strikes Eastern brethren are so deeply engaged, and one, the a fatal blow at the whole system, and although it faintly destruction of which involves consequences much more acknowledges the principle of protection, it leaves not widely to be felt than almost any other. In assailing it, one particle of protection to any one interest. My hon- you attack the household goods of the farmer, and wither orable friends who have preceded me have sufficiently the grass on many a green hill. You affect seriously proved this. I shall endeavor not to repeat their argu-a capital of at least one hundred and sixty millions of ments. To commence with the cottons: Sir, how will dollars, and destroy a profitable means of subsistence they stand? It is, indeed, sir, fearful to think, to use the now afforded to at least one hundred and fifty thousand words of my enlightened and honorable friend from Mas- of your fellow-citizens. But, sir, this is not all. It is sachusetts, [Mr. APPLETON] how great interests are sport- not only him who ploughs your soil whose industry is ed with in this enlightened Government! Why, sir, by palsied by this your heedless, headlong, if not wicked this bill, which is advocated with a zeal almost amounting action. The sailor, the weather-beaten mariner, he who to indiscretion, by an honorable member of the Commit- carries your flag bravely over every sea, and displays tee of Ways and Means, who, be it remembered, is also, it with honor in every clime-even he, who has added perhaps, the most ardent and zealous supporter of the administration on this floor, this vast interest, which has reached a degree of perfection not surpassed in the oldest manufacturing country, will be entirely prostrated.

to your chaplet your brightest wreath of renown, must partake of the general doom. Independent of the intimate connexion between the full development of all your internal resources and your coasting trade, this woollen interest affords a main support to your whale fisheries, and produces to your navigation in freight, on the manu facture of every 100,000 pounds of wool, a sum equal to several hundred dollars.

It has been too often done to make it necessary for me now to go into all the details on this point. It is sufficiently evident to every one that, without a proper protection against the excessive capital of Great Britain, and the overshipments made under combinations such as are In addition to the above, I must ask leave to submit a known to exist there, and at a great sacrifice of money, few facts of a highly important nature in reference to an perfect as our establishments have become, they cannot article of the woollen manufacture but lately established, stand. I will instance a case which is known to have oc- at great cost, on the faith of your own enactments, and curred in 1826. At that time, sir, the manufacturers of which, under an ad valorem duty, unless a very high Manchester thought the price of cotton too high. They one, must go down. I allude to the manufacture of car determined, therefore, to lower it, and for this purpose petings.

called a meeting, at which two hundred firms were re- It is believed that the amount of capital invested in this presented, none of which were worth less than 200,000 manufacture, in the United States, already exceeds one pounds sterling each. With the view to force the cotton million of dollars, and the value of the goods annually holders to lower their price, they resolved not to work manufactured probably exceeds that amount by four over half time, and, if necessary, only one-fourth time, hundred thousand dollars. and effectually carried their point.

The number of carpet looms now in actual operationi Now, sir, what is to prevent similar combination from the United States is about six hundred and fifty, and the being made to effect the ruin of all our spinning establish- number of operatives employed in the business about thir ments instantly? Place them on the footing of this bill, teen hundred. Their wages amount to from two hunand it will be done. The above named 200 gentry, with dred and fifty thousand to three hundred thousand dollars their 50,000,000 sterling of capital, need only ship to annually.

this country, say 6,000,000 sterling of cotton yarns, at a It has been further ascertained that the carpet manu loss of fifteen per cent., which would not amount to two facturers in the United States annually worked up up per cent. on their capital, and their end is instantly wards of two millions of pounds of wool for woof alone, and effected. Ruin, far and wide, would ensue. And, Mr. about five hundred thousand pounds worsted yarn for warp

JAN. 24, 1833.]

The Tariff Bill.

1298

Such already is the effect of competition in this article, tain provisions which would have proved a protection both that it is a well known fact, the prices in the United against foreign capital and overshipments. Such protecStates have been uniformly lower since 1828, than at any tion would have been found in the establishment of the former period-a result which has, in every case, been warehouse system; in limiting the period of deposite in produced by high duties, as the prices on both iron, su- the public stores to six months, at the end of which time gar, and salt, fully manifest. I cannot, therefore, con- the goods should either be re-exported or entered at once sent, Mr. Chairman, that this vast interest should be for home consumption; in the payment of cash duties, sported with, even though, by its sacrifice, I am offered pro- with interest from the arrival of the vessel; in the non-altection for another, no doubt, of equal importance. And lowance of drawbacks if reshipped after the payment of here I must be allowed to say, that if there be any one the duty. Fix the duties at 25 per cent. on cost at the part of this bill more offensive to me than another, it is place of exportation, on all articles manufactured, in the exemption from ruin made in favor of the interest to whole or in part, from any metal or metals, wool, cotton, All other articles free, except spirits, which which I allude, in which Pennsylvania is supposed to be flax, hemp, furs, leather, glass, earths, salts, or juice of I can hardly the cane. more particularly interested: I mean iron. suppose it could have been imagined that so indigestible ought to be specific and high. With these provisions, I a bait as this would have been swallowed by the high-am even inclined to think the 20 per cent. now sought to If I know my honorable be established would perhaps be preferred to the duties Such, however, sir, is minded freemen of that State. colleagues, they will reject it with the indignation it me- imposed by the act of July, 1832. Widely, therefore, must any bill differ from rits; for myself, sir, I turn my back upon it; and I am not the case; nor has any thing like the above been atproud to state here, in my place, and to the world, that I tempted. have received a letter from one of the most distinguished the present, before it can receive my sanction. Greatly iron masters of Pennsylvania, a gentleman of the highest must the present one be amended, before I can be brought standing for integrity and honor, and universally beloved to view it even with common complacency. It may not, Mr. Chairman, be deemed irrelevant for for the manly frankness of his character, interested to a large amount in this business, in which he disclaims, to- me, before I take my seat, to say something in reference tally, all exceptions in their favor, and asks, with, an to the amendment now under discussion, proposed by my honorable patriotism, no other fate than such as was to honorable friend from Connecticut, [Mr. HUNTINGTON.] I confess, sir, I looked upon it as a strange anomaly, in be meted out to the whole body of the manufacturers. 1

could have wished, sir, that my venerable colleague on a bill to reduce the revenue, to notice a clause reinstating the Committee of Ways and Means had acted on the the duties which had been so lately taken off from both same principle: I could have wished that he had spared the articles named, tea and coffee. Singular inconsishis colleagues the pain they must feel from an exemption tency! It strikes me as somewhat remarkable that the from the common lot, by an exception in their favor of so" motive" of this "financiere prudence" should have been created. Why, sir, was the committee aware of the questionable a character.

Mr. Chairman: I can assure the committee their pa- amount of probable increase these two clauses would tience is not more exhausted than my own strength: the have brought to the treasury? I think not, sir. Indeed, lateness of the hour forbids my going as fully as I could it is certain they were not, as they have now themselves wish into the several more important items of this bill. proposed to reduce it one-half. By a reference to the The people are sufficiently awake to the whole subject. public documents, and to the best sources of information Every mechanic art, the farmer, the merchant, the ship-I can attain, it is probable that not less than fourteen milbuilder, ay, sir, the shipbuilder, although under an lions of pounds of tea will be imported in the course of the honest but mistaken view, this highly intelligent and tal- present year; this, rated at an average of eight cents duIn the year 1830, ented class of men, impute to the tariff a decline in their ties per pound, will yield to the treasury one million one business, which, if it exists, springs from altogether dif- hundred and twenty thousand dollars. ferent causes; the whole body of respectable freemen the imports of coffee were nearly fifty millions of pounds, whose labor constitutes their chief capital, and forms so of which thirteen millions were exported, leaving a balimportant an item in the general wealth, all, all are equal-ance over of thirty-seven millions of pounds. Assuming ly and deeply interested in the preservation of this system. this as the probable amount, during the present year, of All, all, sir, are equally interested in the preservation of imports over exports, at a duty of one cent per pound, it All will yield to the treasury three hundred and seventy a sound, just, and established system of legislation. are or ought to be anxious to be preserved from sudden thousand dollars, which, added to the amount of duty and violent reactions, produced from no matter what likely to accrue on teas, makes on the whole the large cause. My own district, as well as my State, Mr. Chair- amount of one million four hundred and ninety thousand man, is essentially tariff. I know not exactly the amount dollars, over and above the revenue likely to arise on the of capital invested in manufacturing establishments in the bill of 1832, which this bill for reducing the revenue is district I am proud to represent; but, sir, it is vastly beyond intended to supplant. A neat little sum, it must be conwhat any one would believe, unless, like myself, he had fessed, Mr. Chairman, to extract from the pockets of the examined and witnessed it. It is particularly incumbent, people on articles of absolute necessity, by way of precautherefore, upon me to be circumspect in approaching this tion to cover any little financial errors on the part of the delicate and intricate question. I cannot allow myself to Committee of Ways and Means. be driven into a hasty and precipitate conclusion. The

Sir, I have done. I regret the necessity which has imfriends of the administration who are the zealous advo-pelled me to detain the committee so long; but, sir, the cates of this bill, must excuse me when I refuse to effect paramount obligations which my duty to my country impolitical ends by the wanton sacrifice of all I consider dear poses on me at this time, have outweighed all other conto my constituents and my country. And yet, Mr. Chair- siderations. Whatever may be the fate of the great prinman, wrong as I think it would be to act at all at present, ciples involved in the discussion before us, I shall be constill, sir, if it had been deemed worth the while, I have soled with the idea that I have humbly, but I trust firmly, no doubt that such a bill might have been submitted to fulfilled my own duty. I shall vote, sir, in favor of the this House, as would have met at least my approval, and amendment offered by my honorable friend from Connecwould not have been injurious to the manufacturer.

ticut.

When Mr. W. had concluded, Mr. SLADE moved I have no doubt, sir, that a reduction down to a uniform rate, with a view to satisfy the South, would have been that the committee rise. Negatived: Yeas 63, nays 71; readily submitted to, if it had been accompanied by cer- when

VOL. IX.--82

H. OF R.]

The Tariff Bill.

[JAN. 24, 1833.

Mr. MUHLENBERG, of Pennsylvania, rose. I have represent, in part, upon this floor, will, at a proper penot, said he, been in the habit of trespassing upon the riod, when they have had time for reflection and examina patience of the House, or claiming its indulgence often. tion, when an opportunity shall have been given them to I hope I shall never do so, unless what is deemed duty to express a deliberate opinion, be found of the same mind, my country, to my constituents, to myself, shall seem to accord with me in sentiment. I may possibly be in imperiously to demand it. I will not say that I despise, error, I may possibly not know the feelings and sentibut, sir, I dislike, extremely, exhibitions of this kind, ments of those among whom I have been born and bred, when calculated, as they too generally are, more for ef- and with whom I have been all my life in habits of unrefect elsewhere-abroad, at home, than here, where they strained intercourse; but if in error, I have as yet should principally produce it. The assurance is, there- neither seen nor heard any thing to convince me of it, fore, cheerfully given that neither you, Mr. Chairman, but on these points I have little or no difficulty in my own nor the committee over whose deliberations you have mind. There are, however, Mr. Chairman, other difibeen called to preside, shall be detained for any length culties in the way, which may not so easily be got over. of time upon the subject now before it under considera- Is this the proper time when the change should be made? tion. The observations I intended to make, and which Does the bill reported by the Committee of Ways and might have been extended to some length had I been so Means, now on your table, suggest the best mode of ef fortunate as to gain the floor at a seasonable hour of the fecting this change? Upon these points, sir, I have ponday, shall, at this late hour of the evening, be condensed dered often and often, in the calm of the morning, and in into the smallest possible compass-be made so brief that the silent hour of the night. They have been viewed there shall be no complaint of unnecessarily consuming from every side, in all their different possible bearings, the time. and my mind has never been able to come to any other conclusion than that this is neither the proper time for making the change, nor the mode proposed by the bill before us the best for effecting it.

The constitutionality of the measure under consideration, its expediency, and even the quantum of protection or reduction deemed necessary, have been so amply and ably discussed, but a few months since, by the first men Permit me, sir, to say a few words upon these points, of the nation, that it would be great presumption in me and I shall have performed my duty, not a very agreea to expect to throw any new light upon the subject, or to ble, but a necessary one. Gentlemen are continually tell give it such an aspect as to change even the vote of one ing us, it is every where sounding in our ears, "Now is single reflecting individual of this body, and I should the day, and now is the hour;" but, sir, I do not believe wish to change none else. We have, indeed, had so much it. The aspect of the stars is not favorable; they declare of this subject at our last session, that a hope was justly the day as unfortunate, and the hour as an evil one, and cherished that it would not again be intruded upon us at I therefore say, Beware! beware! Touch not now: hanthis; yet it has come again. Some of us, it is true, ex- dle not now. And why not? Why, sir, every time I reclaimed, in terror, “Shut, shut the door, good John; tie up the knocker; say I am sick, I am dead;" but it was in vain-to no purpose. The gates have been thrown wide open; here it is, with all its usual accompaniments, and must be met, "nolens volens," whatever our feelings upon the occasion may be.

flect upon the subject, a hundred, nay, a thousand rea sons strike me. It is not necessary to detail them here at length; they are so evident that he who runs may and must read them. How many months have elapsed since we passed a bill upon this very subject? It was approved on the 14th of July last, I believe. How long were we With these feelings and sentiments, Mr. Chairman, it is engaged in maturing that bill? Some four or five months, scarcely necessary to say that I have not risen to discuss if I mistake not. Has it as yet gone into operation? Can the subject before you; its discussion is not necessary; it we positively say how it will operate; what its effects may would be superfluous; no possible good could result from be? Have we had any new light upon the subject since it. I have risen merely to justify the course I have here- None of any material consequence, I venture to assert; tofore taken in this respect, and shall hereafter take, and none but what should induce us, at least, to give it a trial. the vote I shall probably be called upon to place on re- And now, sir, what are we doing? What are we about to cord on the bill now under consideration. do? Shall we act like children who build up card-houses

The bill, I believe, is called a bill to reduce the reve- merely that they may have the pleasure of blowing them nue, and to modify the duty on imports: I do not ex- over with the breath of their nostrils? Sir, I hope not. 1 actly recollect the words used in the title; such, however, trust we shall have more respect for ourselves-more reis its import. Well, sir, I am in favor of reducing the spect for our constituents.

revenue to the wants of the Government, to give it an How could we justify such conduct before those conincome only sufficient to meet its wants, calculated upon stituents? Have they requested us to act upon the suba fair and liberal scale. I am in favor of modifying the ject? Did they expect that we would venture to do so at tariff, believing it not only called for by public opinion, the present session? Did they imagine, before we left but necessary, just, and expedient. I trust, also, that it them, that we would venture to undo what we had can be so modified as to satisfy the reasonable portion of scarcely completed-what had not yet had a trial, and of our Southern brethren; I say the reasonable portion, for the effects of which we could say nothing positive? I I find there are unreasonable men there as well as in the think not, sir. I am positive that they did not, as far as eastern and middle sections of the Union. If I had wanted regards my own constituents at least. Have they since proof, I should find it in the explicit declaration made by expressed an opinion upon the subject? Have they given the poetic, learned, and eloquent gentleman from Geor- us any instructions as regards this point? I believe not, gia [Mr. WILDE] last evening, that if the provision raising sir. Here and there only a solitary voice has been heard. the duty upon tea and coffee, contained in the bill, were A few, a very few memorials only, from my own native stricken out, he should vote against it. The tariff, I re- State, have been presented, and it strikes me that these peat it, may, in my humble judgment, be so modified as came in rather a questionable shape. Notwithstanding the to satisfy the reasonable portion of the South, without great respectability of the signatures, and the deserved bringing ruin and utter desolation on the eastern and mid- high standing of my friend who presented them, the nul dle sections of the Union; nay, I sincerely believe, with- lifying source from which they appear to have emanated, out very essentially injuring them. and which probably set them in motion, may cause them On these points, Mr. Chairman, I have little difficulty to be regarded with some suspicion as to the purity of in my own mind, and, if I mistake not greatly, a decided the motives by which they were dictated. Be this as it majority of the people of the State I have the honor to may, I must strongly question their speaking the senti

JAN. 24, 1833.]

The Tariff Bill.

ment of the State, as the Legislature, convened for a dif- to act consistently, at every session of Congress you will What would our Union be worth under such cirferent purpose, it is true, by its resolutions, passed almost be obliged to change or repeal the acts of the preceding unanimously, has spoken in a direct contrary language. one.

Here then, sir, if these things are to have weight with us, cumstances? What would the passage of any law avail? here is a voice from Pennsylvania; a voice not entitled to Of what service would meetings of the representatives of instruct-I admit I am rather jealous upon that point-the people be to consult upon the public welfare? I say, a voice, however, which should be heard with great de- then, meet the crisis at once; meet it manfully and fearPut down opposition to the laws of the Union. ference, because the same number of people that send lessly. one member to this House, send five members to the State Show only that you are determined to do so, and you will need neither sword, nor spear, nor buckler, nor musket, The good sense of the people, the Legislature. But gentlemen will tell us the situation of things has nor military array. changed since members of Congress have left their homes. virtue and patriotism of the great mass of our Southern The Union is in danger; blood will be shed; the Union brethren, will effect all that can be desired. Why should will be destroyed unless we act, and act promptly. And we doubt it? Is not their own welfare and happiness; is what is this change that is to produce such direful conse-not the welfare and happiness of their children and posquences? I know of none, sir, but the attitude which terity, down to the latest ages; is not the liberty and hapSouth Carolina has lately assumed. What effect this may piness of the whole human family in the Western and have upon some gentlemen, I cannot tell. Why it is Eastern hemisphere at stake? brought into view at all, I know not. Perhaps Southern

But, sir, the time proposed for making an entire change gentlemen may expect to gain from the fears of some in our impost system, not only appears to be an improper what they could not well hope from their free, unbiassed one; the mode suggested by the Committee of Ways and judgment. Perhaps the same calculation is made upon Means, for a reduction of the revenues by the bill now on "Northern dough faces," to be moulded as circum- your table, appears, in my humble judgment, equally so. stances may require. I trust such is not the case; I sin- It is unnecessary to enter into an examination of the decerely hope it is not. Should such, however, be the case, tails of this bill. It must at least assume a different shape let me assure gentlemen that they have mistaken their before it can meet the approbation of my constituents. If those What this particular shape should be, is equally unnecesmen--yes, sir, they have mistaken their men. days ever did exist, and I do not believe it, it was an un-sary to describe at this particular period. To mature it merited aspersion; but if they did ever exist, they have properly would seem to require much more time than can passed away, never, never more to return. I trust, sir, be given to it at the present short session of Congress, we shall ever fear to do wrong, always fear to be unjust, which must necessarily terminate on the 3d of March. Or always fear to injure and oppress our brethren, even if is this law also to be changed or repealed again at the next we had the power; but never, never fear to do what our session? Are we to build up another card castle, merely ment? judgment and conscience tells us is right, and our duty to blow it over again, when erected, for our own amuseto do, be the consequences what they may.

While I am up, sir, and on this subject, I will however What, sir! shall a handful of unruly spirits-I say it not in anger but in sorrow; I had almost said, of conspirators suggest an idea or two bearing on it. The amount of reagainst the peace and dignity of the Union; but if I had, venue calculated upon as arising from the public lands, I should have been pardoned for using the phrase in the say from two to three millions, evidently cannot be calcuwarmth of debate, as those who know me best, know that lated upon as a permanent source of revenue. Why not I have none but the kindest feelings towards the South, strike it off then at once, as, if we are to submit to reducand have ever acted in accordance with those feelings, tions, and very material reductions, we should at least be when imperious duty did not demand a different course- entitled to ask for and receive something permanent in but, sir, shall a handful of unruly spirits compel a large return. This, sir, permanency in a system, I consider as majority of the States to give up a system upon which of more importance than the mere amount of protection they have heretofore believed the best interests of the granted. Instead of raising the duty, as proposed in the country depended? For nothing short of a total abolition bill, on tea, coffee, wines, silk, and other articles which of the protective system would seem to satisfy them. we neither grow nor manufacture, and many of which Shall a handful of unruly spirits compel a decided ma- have become absolute necessaries of life to all classes of jority of the representatives of this great and free people society, to the poor as well as to the rich, let them, if it to destroy this system without even taking time to con- be found necessary, be made entirely free, or admitted sult their masters, the people, upon the subject? I would upon paying a mere nominal duty. Then raise such a advise gentlemen to take counsel of their fears in this revenue by imposts as may be necessary to supply the respect to fear doing wrong in acting contrary to the wants of the Government upon such articles as require well-known and expressed wishes of their constituents; protection, and the protection of which will encourage of those constituents whose known will, I hold, they are bound to obey, or resign their situation as representatives.

our agricultural pursuits and our domestic industry generally. In the agriculture, in the labor, in the industry of any nation, its real wealth must always be sought. ThereSir, let South Carolina gain her point, and what will in it will and must consist. Graduate, if you please, this be the consequence? Why, sir, those who, if I under- protection, as the articles may be more or less necessary stand these proceedings correctly, have become nearly to our perfect independence in time of war, and I can traitors to the Union, instead of being punished, not by imagine no real, no reasonable cause of complaint, either steel or hemp, I desire no such means, but by the merit- from the North or the South, the East or the West. ed contempt of all parties, will be rewarded, and all their

At a proper time, sir, I shall be in favor of a proper ambitious schemes will be in a fair way of being accom- and judicious modification of the tariff; such a modificaplished. Let South Carolina gain her point, and you es- tion as shall completely reduce the revenue to the wants cape one danger merely to fall into another and a greater. of the Government, calculated upon a fair and liberal In steering clear of Charybdis, you strike upon Scylla. scale, such a scale as is becoming a great and free people. Resistance to the laws of the Union will become a com- At a proper time, I shall be found willing, and, I doubt But a few years not, a majority of the people I have the honor to repremon thing, an every day occurrence. will elapse, and, encouraged by the success of South sent, in part, upon this floor, to give up something; nay, I Carolina, we shall find nearly every State in the Union, will not say something, every thing, save our very existeven Delaware and Rhode Island, nullifying; and, in order ence, to satisfy our Southern brethren, to restore har

H. OF R.]

The Tariff Bill.

[JAN. 24, 1833.

mony, and preserve the Union. The Union is the first aspect. They seem disposed to rush upon this question and greatest of all our national blessings, and to preserve as the tiger springs upon his prey. If gentlemen have it nothing can or ought to be esteemed too precious. I no respect for others, they should have some for themgo for the Union, sir, the Union, the whole Union, and selves and for the station which they fill. Whether it be nothing but the Union. It must be preserved, peaceably so or not, the presumption is, that this House is composed if we can, forcibly if we must. To its preservation, firm- of men of talents, of integrity, and honor. After the ness is however necessary in the representatives of the picture, Mr. Chairman, which I have here drawn, and people, as moderation and forbearance. If we permit our which you and every member upon this floor must know selves to be terrified by any clamor which is raised against and feel falls short of the reality; after what we have its laws, it is gone, the Union is dissolved. Let us be witnessed here to-night, it would seem like a heartless just; never tax the people unnecessarily, equalize burdens task to set about gravely discussing one of the greatest. and benefits as much as may be possible; let us, in this questions which can here be agitated. Sir, there is no sense, be just and fear not, and all will be well. man who feels more forcibly the difficulty which lies in I had intended, Mr. Chairman, to conclude with a Latin his way than I do; yet I will, even now, at this late hour, quotation. My mind has changed. I will leave that to and in the midst of this turmoil and confusion, make the those who delight in such things more than myself; I had attempt to discharge that duty which I feel I owe to my almost said to the schoolmaster and schoolboys. Yet constituents and to my country; in one word, I am deterI might be considered as out of order, judging from the mined, let others act as they may, to do my duty, and practice of a learned and eloquent gentleman, if I did not then trust to my God. say something in an unknown tongue. I will therefore If any gentleman upon this floor can approach this give you something of that kind. It shall not be in Latin question with clean hands, uncontaminated by unholy or French, not in Greek or Hebrew, not in Arabic, Syriac, ambition, or by the prospect of individual gain or local or Chaldean; it shall not be in the language of the Dane, advantage, I think I may safely say I can. Although my or the Norman, of the Goth or the Visigoth, of the Hun constituents believe that they have a deep stake in the or the Finn, but in the language of the Allemanni, of the question, yet they feel that its immediate and direct effect children of Herman. I am, sir, a descendant of Ger- upon them is as little as it will be upon any other portion mans, and I pride myself in having descended from that of their brethren in the United States. But, sir, my high-minded, generous, open-hearted, honest, intelligent, constituents do not limit their views of political economy brave, unwavering, inflexible people, and will conclude to the termination of that horizon which is the extent of with one of their sayings, taught me in early youth, and natural vision; they have a political eye which surveys which has been, heretofore, as I trust it may ever continue, this mighty republic from one end to the other; and they my guide and rule of conduct. The saying is," Thue have taught me to use this eye when I am called to act in recht, fuerchte Gott, und scheu selbst den Teufel nicht." this hall. They have been accustomed to look at things 1 might, Mr. Chairman, not be perfectly in order, judg- upon a large scale. Sir, the very scenery by which they ing from the example set me, if I did not translate what has are every where surrounded, imparts to them expansion been said in the unknown tongue. Be it so; I will give of intellect, and an unsubdued feeling of elevated and you both the letter and the spirit. Literally it is, do extended patriotism, which grasps their whole country. what is right, trust in God, and fear not even the Devil." They are familiar with the mountain that rises swelling In spirit, it is the "be just and fear not" of our own peo- into the clouds; with the majestic river which rolls its ple, expressed only in a more powerful and energetic ample flood to the ocean; with wide-spreading and luxu language. I shall no longer trespass upon the indulgence riant valleys which teem with rich rewards to him who of the committee, and am under many obligations for the ploughs them. marked and distinguished attention with which I have tented, and, I verily believe, as happy as it falls to the lot Thus situated, my constituents are con of mortals to be. They are devoted to their country, Mr. ARNOLD, of Tennessee, followed, and spoke till and to its constitution and laws. They hold them sacred nine o'clock, when he yielded to a motion that the com- as they do the apple of their eye. Nothing can arouse mittee rise. The motion prevailed, and the House ad- them more quickly than to hear of a meditated assault journed. The following are the remarks of Mr. A. entire: upon the institutions of their country, which were built Mr. ARNOLD said he thought they were not quite up by the fathers of the revolution, and under which ready to take the question yet. He said, if he had no they have grown and flourished so happily. They bear other reason for not wishing the question to be then all the burdens of Government most cheerfully. They taken, the temper which the committee had displayed to pay their taxes; and, when a foreign foe invades their night, was, with him, a sufficient one. Sir, said Mr. A., soil, they buckle on the habiliments of war, and fy to what have we witnessed here? Why, sir, an excitement the standard of their country, to repel him, or die in the which has worked us up almost into a riotous mob. der such feelings, was it proper for them to pass judg- when weighed against their liberty and their country's Un- attempt. They hold their lives as dust in the balance, ment upon any subject, much less upon the all-absorbing honor. Representing such constituents, I should feel that one then before the committee; one upon the decision of I was false to them, and unworthy of them, if I did not which he verily believed the fate of this republic depend- make known the sentiments and views which, if they ed? He called upon gentlemen to pause before they were present, would be proclaimed in a voice of thunder. made this rash and disastrous plunge which they seemed I shall, therefore, proceed to discuss this question a so desirous to make. From the deportment of gentlemen though it were noon, and as though gentlemen were petupon this floor to-night, they. certainly have forgotten fectly patient and desirous to hear me. what is due to themselves and to the American people, if patience is one grand reason with me why I choose to tar not to those who are opposed to the present measure. it on this occasion. Sir, I take the liberty to remind gentlemen that they are wide of the mark, are preferable to votes. I think speeches to-night, however the representatives of freemen, and that they have been What then, sir, does the bill now under consideration selected for the purpose of discharging many weighty propose to do? Why, sir, it is a very modest little proand difficult questions here, that require wisdom, fidelity, position, which proposes to do nothing more than to sub and untiring patience. Have they displayed these essen- vert and destroy that system of protection to American tial attributes to-night? I regret, sir, that I am constrain-industry which is coeval with the Government itself have exhibited themselves on the very reverse side of this and shed their blood; a system without which inde On the contrary, I think they system for which our fathers expended their treasure

been heard.

ed to say they have not.

Their want of