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they will soon settle some where, and by the steadiness and wisdom of their measures dissipate all those mists of misrepresentation raised by the remaining malice of ancient enemies, and establish our reputation for national justice and prudence as they have done for courage and perseverance.

It grieves me that we have not been able to discharge our first year's payment of interest to this court, due the beginning of last month. I hope it will be the only fai lure, and that effectual measures will be taken to be exactly punctual hereafter. The good paymaster, says the proverb, is lord of another man's purse. The bad one, if he ever has again occasion to borrow, must pay dearly for his carelessness and injustice.

You are happy in having got back safe to your country. I should be less unhappy, if I could imagine the delay of muy congé useful to the states, or in the least degree necessary. But they have many equally capable of doing all I have to do here. The new proposed treaties are the most important things; but two can go through them as well as three, if indeed any are likely to be completed which I begin to doubt, since the new ones make little progress, and the old ones which wanted only the fiat of congress seem now to be rather going backward; I mean those I had projected with Denmark and Portugal.

My grandsons are sensible of the honor of your remembrance and present their respects to you and Mrs. Jay. I add my best wishes of health and happiness to you all, being with sincere esteem and affection, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant, B. FRANKLIN.

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To MR. SMALL.

American Taxation.-New form of Prayer.-American

DEAR SIR,

Royalists, &c.

Philadelphia, Sept. 28, 1787.

I received your kind letter of June 6, 86, and I answered it, though long after the receipt. I do not perceive by your second favor of July 87, that my answer had then come to hand, but hope it may since that time.

I have not lost any of the principles of public economy you once knew me possessed of; but to get the bad customs of a country changed, and new ones, though better, introduced, it is necessary first to remove the prejudices of the people, enlighten their ignorance, and convince them that their interest will be promoted by the proposed changes and this is not the work of a day. Our legislators are all land-holders; and they are not yet persuaded that all taxes are finally paid by the land. Besides our country is so sparely settled, the habitations particularly in the back countries, being perhaps five or six miles distant from each other, that the time and labour of the collector in going from house to house, and being obliged to call often before he can recover the tax, amounts to more than the tax is worth, and therefore we have been forced into the mode of indirect taxes, i. e. duties on importation of goods, and excises.

I have made no attempt to introduce the form of prayer here, which you and good Mrs. Baldwin do me the honor to approve. The things of this world take up too much of my time, of which indeed I have too little left, to un

dertake any thing like a reformation in matters of religion, When we can sow good seed, we should however do it, and wait, when we can do no better, with patience nature's time for their sprouting. Some lie many years in the ground, and at length certain favorable seasons or circumstances bring them forth with vigorous shoots and plentiful productions.

Had I been at home as you wish, soon after the peace, I might possibly have mitigated some of the severities against the royalists, believing as I do that fear and error rather than malice occasioned their desertion of their country's cause, and adoption of the King's. The public resentment against them is now so far abated, that none who ask leave to return are refused, and many of them now live among us much at their ease. As to the restoration of confiscated estates, it is an operation that none of our politicians have as yet ventured to propose. They are a sort of people that love to fortify themselves in their projects by precedent. Perhaps they wait to see your government restore the forfeited estates in Scotland to the Scotch, those in Ireland to the Irish, and those in England to the Welch.

I am glad that the distressed exiles who remain with you have received, or are likely to receive, some compensation for their losses, for I commiserate their situation. It was clearly incumbent on the King to indemnify those he had seduced by his proclamations: but it seems not so clearly consistent with the wisdom of parliament to resolve doing it for him. If some mad King should think fit in a freak to make war upon his subjects of Scotland, or upon those of England, by the help of Scotland and Ireland (as VOL. I. 2 H

the Stuarts did) may he not encourage followers by the precedent of these parliamentary gratuities, and thus set his subjects to cutting one another's throats, first with the hope of sharing in confiscations, and then with that of compensation in case of disappointment? The council of brutes without a fable were aware of this. Lest that fable may perhaps not have fallen in your way, I inclose a copy of it..

Your commercial treaty with France seems to show a growing improvement in the sentiments of both nations in the economical science. All Europe might be a great deal happier, with a little more understanding. We in America have lately had a convention for framing a new constitution. Inclosed I send you the result of their deliberations. Whether it will be generally acceptable and carried into execution is yet to be seen; but present appearances are in its favor.

I am always glad to hear from you, and of your welfare. I remember with pleasure the happy days we have spent together. Adieu, and believe me ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN..

To M. DUPONT DE NEMOURS, AT PARIS.

New Constitution of the United States- Principles of

SIR,

Trade, &c.

Philadelphia, June 9, 1788.

I have received your favor of December 31, with the extract of a letter which you wish to have translated and published here. But seven States having,

before it arrived, ratified the new Constitution, and others being daily expected to do the same, after the fullest discussion in convention, and in all the public papers, 'till every body was tired of the argument; it seemed too late to propose delay, and especially the delay that must be occasioned by a revision and correction of all the separate Constitutions. For it would take at least a year to convince thirteen States that the Constitutions they have practised ever since the revolution, without observing any imperfections in them so great as to be worth the trouble of amendment, are nevertheless so ill formed as to be unfit for continuation, or to be parts of a federal government. And when they should be so convinced, it would probably take some years more to make the connections. An eighth State has since acceded, and when a ninth is added, which is now daily expected, the Constitution will be carried into execution. It is probable however that at the first meeting of the new Congress, various amendments will be proposed and discussed, when I hope your Ouvrage sur les principes et le bien des republiques en général &c. &c. may be ready to put into their hands; and such a work from your hand I am confident, though it may not be entirely followed, will afford useful hints, and produce advantages of importance. But we must not expect that a new government may be formed, as a game of chess may be played, by a skilful hand, without a fault. The players of our game are so many, their ideas so different, their prejudices so strong and so various, and their particular interests independent of the general seeming so opposite, that not a move can be made that is not contested; the numerous objections confound the understand

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