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much longer the communicating them, however unwilling he was to do it from his apprehension of the consequences. But what (his Lordship was pleased to say) if you were in my place, would or could you do? Would you hazard the being called to account in some future session of parliament, for keeping back the communication of dispatches of such importance? I said his Lordship could best judge, what in his situation was fittest for him to do. I could only give my poor opinion with regard to parlia ment, that supposing the dispatches laid before them, they would act most prudently in ordering them to lie on the table, and take no farther notice of them. For were I as much an Englishman as I am an American, and ever so desirous of establishing the authority of parliament, I pro test to your Lordship I cannot conceive of a single step the parliament can take to increase it, that will not tend to diminish it; and after abundance of mischief they must finally lose it. The loss in itself perhaps would not be of much consequence, because it is an authority they can never well exercise for want of due information and knowJedge, and therefore it is not worth hazarding the mischief to preserve it. Then adding my wishes that I could be of any service in healing our differences, his Lordship said, I do not see any thing of more service than prevailing on the General Assembly, if you can do it, to withdraw their answers to the Governor's speech. There is not, said I, the least probability they will ever do that; for the country is all of one mind upon the subject. Perhaps the Governor may have represented to your Lordship, that these are the opinions of a party only, and that great numbers are of different sentiments, which may in time prevail. But if he does not deceive himself be deceives

your Lordship for in both houses, notwithstanding the influence appertaining to his office, there was not, in sending up those answers, a single dissenting voice. I do not recollect, said his Lordship, that the Governor has written any thing of that kind. I am told, however, by gentlemen from that country who pretend to know it, that there are many of the Governor's opinion, but they dare not show their sentiments. I never heard, said I, that any one has suffered violence for siding with the Governor. Not violence perhaps, said his Lordship, but they are reviled and held in contempt, and people do not care to incur the disesteem and displeasure of their neighbours. As I knew Governor Bernard had been in with his Lordship just before me, I thought he was probably one of these gentle. men informants, and therefore said, people who are engaged in any party or have advised any measures are apt to magnify the numbers of those they would have understood as approving their measures. His Lordship said, that was natural to suppose might be the present case; for whoever observed the conduct of parties here, must have seen it a constant practice; and he agreed with me, that though a nemine contradicente did not prove the absolute agreement of every man in the opinion voted, it at least demonstrated the great prevalence of that opinion.

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Thus ended our conference. I shall watch this business till the parliament rises, and endeavour to make people in general as sensible of the inconveniences to this country that may attend a continuance of the contest, as the Spital-fields weavers seem already to be in their petition to the King, which I herewith send you. I have already the pleasure to find that my friend, the Bishop of

St. Asaph's sermon, is universally approved and applauded, which I take to be no bad symptom. With sincere esteem and respect, I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, B. FRANKLIN.

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Since my last of the 6th past I have been honoured with yours of March 6 and 24, inclosing a petition to the King, and a letter to Lord Dartmouth. On considering the whole, I concluded that a longer delay of presenting the first petition and remonstrance was not likely to answer any good purpose, and. therefore immediately waited on Lord Dartmouth, and delivered to him the letter, and the second petition, at the same time redelivering the first, and pressed his Lordship to present them to his Majesty, which he promised to do, Enclosed I send you the answer I have just received from him, as this day's packet (the mail for which is to be made up and dispatched in a few hours) is the earliest opportunity, the ships for Boston not being to sail till the beginning of next week. By one of them I shall send a copy, with what observations occur to me on the occasion, which the time will not now permit me to write. In the mean while I would just beg leave to say that I hope the house will come to no hasty resolves upon it. The longer they deliberate, the more maturely they consider, the greater weight will attend their resolutions. With sincere respect, I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

B. FRANKLIN.

SIR,

TO THE HON. THOMAS CUSHING, Esq.

American Duty on Tea.

London, June 4, 1773.

The above is a copy of mine per packet, which inclosed the original of his Majesty's answer to our petitions and remonstrance. I now send an exact copy of the same, which I did intend to accompany with some observations, and my sentiments on the general state of our affairs in this country, and the conduct proper for us to hold on this occasion. But beginning to write I find the matter too copious, and the subject (on reflection) too important to be treated of in an hasty letter; and being told the ships sail to-morrow, I must postpone it to another opportunity.

It was thought at the beginning of the session, that the American duty on Tea would be taken off. But now the wise scheme is to take off so much duty here, as will make tea cheaper in America than foreigners can supply us, and to confine the duty there to keep up the exercise of the right. They have no idea that any people can act from any other principle but that of interest; and they believe that three pence in a pound of tea, of which one does not perhaps drink ten pounds in a year, is sufficient to overcome all the patriotism of an American.

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I purpose' soon to write to you very fully. As to the letters I communicated to you, though I have not been able to obtain leave to take copies or publish them, I have permission to let the originals remain with you as long as you may think it of any use to have them in pos

* Governor Hutchinson's.

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session. With great esteem and respect, I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, B. FRANKLIN.

TO THE HON. THOMAS CUSHING, Esq.

Controversy with Governor Hutchinson.-First idea of an American Congress.-Dr. Franklin's justification of himself against the Charge of neglect, as Agent for Massachusets.

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SIR,

London, July 7, 1773.

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I thank you for the pamphlets you have sent me containing the controversy between the Governor and the two houses, I have distributed them where I thought they might be of use. He makes perhaps as much of his argument as it will bear; but has the misfortune of being on the weak side, and so is put to shifts and quibbles, and the use of much sophistry and artifice to give plausibility to his reasonings. The Council and the Assembly have greatly the adyantage in point of fairness, perspicuity, and force. His precedents of acts of parliament binding the colonies, and our tacit consent to those acts are all frivolous. Shall a guardian who has imposed upon, cheated and plundered a minor under his care, who was unable to prevent it, plead those impositions after his ward has discovered them, as precedents and authorities for continuing them. There have been precedents time out of mind for robbing on Hounslow Heath, but the highwayman who robbed there yesterday does nevertheless deserve hanging.

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I am glad to see the resolves of the Virginia House of Burgesses. There are brave spirits among that people.

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