territory, shall be, and the same are hereby, re-ed within the said territory of Kansas, or to affect served for the purpose of being applied to schools the authority of the government of the United in said territory, and in the states and territories States to make any regulation respecting such hereafter to be erected out of the same. Indians, their lands, property, or other rights, by treaty, law, or otherwise, which it would have been competent to the government to make if this act had never passed. SEC. 17. That, until otherwise provided by law, the governor of said territory may define the judicial districts of said territory, and assign the judges who may be appointed for said territory to the several districts; and also appoint the [With the single exception of the location of times and places for holding courts in the several the seat of government for KANSAS at Fort Leavcounties or subdivisions in each of said judicial enworth, provided for in section 31, the ensuing districts by proclamation, to be issued by him; sixteen sections, relative to the organization but the legislative assembly, at their first or any subsequent session, may organize, alter, or mod-and government of the territory, are precisely ify such judicial districts, and assign the judges, similar to the sections already recited, providing and alter the times and places of holding the for the government of Nebraska territory. The courts, as to them shall seem proper and con- final section of the act, which has a general reference to both territories, is as follows:] venient. SEC. 18. That all officers to be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of SEC. 37. And be it further enacted, that all the Senate, for the territory of Nebraska, who, treaties, laws, and other engagements made by by virtue of the provisions of any law now exist- the government of the United States with the ing, or which may be enacted during the present Indian tribes inhabiting the territories embraced Congress, are required to give security for within this act, shall be faithfully and rigidly moneys that may be intrusted with them for observed, notwithstanding anything contained disbursements, shall give such security, at such in this act; and that the existing agencies and time and place, and in such manner as the sec-superintendencies of said Indians be continued retary of the treasury may prescribe. prescribed by law, execpt that the President of with the same powers and duties which are now the United States may, at his discretion, change the location of the office of superintendent. SEC. 19. That all that part of the territory of the United States included within the following limits, except such portions thereof as are hereinafter expressly exempted from the operations of this act, to wit: beginning at a point on the western boundary of the state of Missouri, where May, 1854, and the following is a careful classithe thirty-seventh parallel of north latitude cross This bill passed the House on the 22d day of YEAS-113. FROM THE FREE STATES. NEW-HAMPSHIRE-Harry Hibbard-1. RHODE ISLAND-None. NEW-YORK-Thomas W. Cumming, Francis B. Cutting, Peter Rowe, John J. Taylor, William M. Tweed, Hiram Walbridge, William A. Walker, Mike Walsh, Theo. R. Westbrook-9. PENNSYLVANIA-Samuel A. Bridges, John L. Dawson, Thomas B. Florence, J. Glancy Jones, William H. Kurtz, John McNair, Asa Packer, John Robbins, Jr., Christian M. Straub, William H. Witte, Hendrick B. Wright-11. es the same; thence west on said parallel to the fication of the vote: eastern boundary of New Mexico; thence north on said boundary to latitude thirty-eight; thence following said boundary westward to the east boundary of the territory of Utah, on the summit of the Rocky Mountains; thence northward on said summit to the fortieth parallel of latitude; thence east on said parallel to the western boundary of the state of Missouri; thence south with the western boundary of said state to the place of beginning, be, and the same is hereby, created into a temporary government by the name of the Territory of Kansas; and when admitted as a state or states, the said territory, or any portion of the same, shall be received into the Union with or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission: Provided, That nothing in this act contained shall be construed to inhibit the government of the United States from dividing said territory into two or more territories, in such manner and at such times as Congress shall deem convenient and proper, or from attaching any portion of said territory to any other state or territory of the United States: Provided further, That nothing in this act contained shall be so construed as to im-A. pair the rights of person or property now pertaining to the Indians in said territory, so long as such rights shall remain unextinguished by treaty between the United States and such Indians, or to include any territory which, by treaty with any Indian tribe, is not, without the consent of said tribe, to be included within the territorial limits or jurisdiction of any state or territory; but all such territory shall be excepted out of the boundaries, and constitute no part of the territory of VIRGINIA-Thomas H. Bayly,Thomas S. Bocock, Kansas, until said tribe shall signify their assent John S. Caskie, Henry A. Edmundson, Charles to the President of the United States to be includ-J. Faulkner, William O. Goode, Zedekiah Kid NEW-JERSEY-Samuel Lilly, George Vail-2. OHIO-David T. Disney, Frederick W. Green, Edson B. Olds, Wilson Shannon-4. INDIANA-John G. Davis, Cyrus L. Dunham, MICHIGAN Samuel Clark, David Stuart-2. gall-2. FROM THE SLAVE STATES. well, John Letcher, Paulus Powell, William Smith, | H. H. Johnson, William D. Lindsley, M. H. NichJohn F. Snodgrass-11. ols, Thomas Ritchey, William R. Sapp, Andrew Stuart, John L. Taylor, EDWARD WADE-15. INDIANA-Andrew J. Harlan, Daniel Mace, Samuel W. Parker-3. NORTH CAROLINA-William S. Ashe, Burton Craige, Thomas L. Clingman, John Kerr, Thomas Ruffin, Henry M. Shaw-6. SOUTH CAROLINA-William W. Boyce, Preston S. Brooks, James L. Orr-3. GEORGIA-David J. Bailey, Elijah W. Chastain, Alfred H. Colquitt, Junius Hillyer, David A. Reese, Alex. H. Stephens-6. ALABAMA-James Abercrombie, Williamson R. W. Cobb, James F. Dowdell, Sampson W. Harris, George S. Houston, Philip Phillips, William R. Smith-7. ILLINOIS-James Knox, Jesse O. Norton, E. B. Washburne, John Wentworth, Richard Yates-5. MICHIGAN-David A. Noble, H. L. Stevens-2. WISCONSIN-B. C. Eastman, Daniel Wells, Jr.-2. IOWA-None. CALIFORNIA-None. Total-91. MISSISSIPPI-William S. Barry, William Barks-H. dale, Otho R. Singleton, Daniel B. Wright-4. LOUISIANA-William Dunbar, Roland Jones, John Perkins, Jr.-3. KENTUCKY-John C. Breckenridge, James S. Chrisman, Leander M. Cox, Clement S. Hill, John M. Elliott, Benj. E. Grey, William Preston, Richard H. Stanton-8. TENNESSEE-William M. Churchwell, George W. Jones, Charles Ready, Samuel A. Smith, Frederick P. Stanton, Felix K. Zollicoffer-6. MISSOURI-Alfred W. Lamb, James J. Lindley, John G. Miller, Mordecai Oliver, John S. Phelps-5. ARKANSAS-A. B. Greenwood, Edwin A. Warren-2. FLORIDA-A. E. Maxwell-1. TEXAS-Peter H. Bell, Geo. W. Smyth-2. Total-69. Total, Free and Slave States-113. NAYS-100. NORTHERN STATES. MAINE-Samuel P. Benson, E. Wilder Farley, Thomas J. D. Fuller, Samuel Mayall, Israel Washburn, Jr.-5. NEW-HAMPSHIRE-George W. Kittredge, George W. Morrison-2. MASSACHUSETTS-Nathaniel P. Banks, Jr., Samuel L. Crocker, ALEX. DE WITT, Edward Dickinson, J. Wiley Edmands, Thomas D. Eliot, John Z. Goodrich, Charles W. Upham, Samuel H. Walley, Tappan Wentworth-10. RHODE ISLAND-Thomas Davis, Benjamin B. Thurston-2. CONNECTICUT-Nathan Belcher, James T. Pratt, Origen S. Seymour-3. VERMONT-James Meacham, Aleah Sabin, Andrew Tracy-3. SOUTHERN STATES. VIRGINIA-John S. Millson-1. NORTH CAROLINA-Richard C. Puryear, Sion TENNESSEE-Robert M. Bugg, Wm. Cullom, LOUISIANA-Theodore G. Hunt-1. ABSENT, OR NOT VOTING-21. N. ENGLAND STATES-W.Appleton of Mass.-1. ОнIO-George Bliss, Moses B. Corwin-2. CALIFORNIA-None. INDIANA-Eben. M. Chamberlain-1. Total from Free States-9. GEORGIA-Wm. B.W. Dent,James L. Seward-2. MISSISSIPPI-Wiley P. Harris-1. ARKANSAS-None. FLORIDA-None. Total from Slave States-12. The bill having been amended in the House so as to allow Aliens to vote, was sent back to the Senate and ordered to a third reading by the NEW-YORK-Henry Bennett, Davis Carpen- following vote: ter, Gilbert Dean, Caleb Lyon, Reuben E. Fen- YEAS-Atchison (Mo.), Badger (N. C.), Benjaton, Thomas T. Flagler, George Hastings, Solo-min (La.), Broadhead (Pa.), Brown (Mi.), Butler mon G. Haven, Charles Hughes, Daniel T. Jones, (S. C.), Cass (Mich.), Clay (Ala.), Dawson (Ga.), Orsamus B. Matteson, Edwin B. Morgan, Douglas (Ill.), Fitzpatrick (Ala.), Gwin (Cal.), William Murray, Andrew Oliver, Jared V. Peck, Hunter (Va.), Johnson (Ark.), Jones (Iowa), Rufus W. Peckham, Bishop Perkins, Benjamin Jones (Tenn.), Mallory (Fa.), Mason (Va.), MorPringle, Russell Sage, George A. Simmons, GERRIT SMITH, John Wheeler-22. NEW-JERSEY-Alex. C. M. Pennington, Charles Skelton, Nathan T. Stratton-3. ton (Fa.), Norris (N. H.), Pearce (Md.), Pettit (Ind.), Pratt (Md.), Rusk (Texas), Sebastian (Ark.), Shields (Ill.), Slidell (La.), Stuart (Mich.), Thompson (Ky.), Thomson (N. J.), Toombs (Ga.), PENNSYLVANIA-Joseph R. Chandler, Carlton Toucey (Ct.), Weller (Cal.), Williams (N.H.), B. Curtis, John Dick, Augustus Drum, William Wright (N. J.)-85. Everhart, James Gamble, Galusha A. Grow, NAYS-Allen (R. I.), Bell (Tenn.), CHASE (Ohio), Isaac E. Hiester, Thomas M. Howe, John McClayton (Del.), Fish (N. Y.), Foote (Vt.), GILCulloch, Ner Middleswarth, David Ritchie, LETTE (Ct.), Hamlin (Me.), James (R. I.), Seward Samuel L. Russell, Michael C. Trout-14. (N. Y.), SUMNER (Mass.), Wade (Ohio), Walker (Wis.)-13. Oшo-Edward Ball, Lewis D. Campbell, Alfred P. Edgerton, Andrew Ellison, JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS, Aaron Harlan, John Scott Harrison, Democrats in Roman; Whigs in Italics; Free Democrats in SMALL CAPS. The bill was finally passed without a division,, advantages from the passage of this bill. I do the Senate refusing to call the Yeas and Nays. SPEECH OF WILLIAM H. SEWARD. - The following speech was delivered by Hon. William H. Seward, in the Senate of the United States, on the night of the final passage of the Nebraska Bill, May 26, 1854. MR. PRESIDENT:-I rise with no purpose of further resisting or even delaying the passage of this bill. Let its advocates have only a little patience, and they will soon reach the object for which they have struggled so earnestly and so long. The sun has set for the last time upon the guaranteed and certain liberties of all the unsettled and unorganized portions of the American continent that lie within the jurisdiction of the United States. To-morrow's sun will rise in dim eclipse over them. How long that obscuration shall last, is known only to the Power that directs and controls all human events. For myself, I know only this-that now no human power will prevent its coming on, and that its passing off will be hastened and secured by others than those now here, and perhaps by only those belonging to future generations. not find it necessary to be censorious, nor even unjust to others, in order that my own course may be approved. I am sure that the honorable Senator from Illinois [Mr. DOUGLAS] did not mean that the slave States should gain an advantage over the free States, for he disclaimed it when he introduced the bill. I believe, in all candor, that the honorable Senator from Georgia, [Mr.. TOOMBS,] who comes out at the close of the battle as one of the chiefest leaders of the victorious party, is sincere in declaring his own opinion that the slave States will gain no unjust advantage over the free States, because he disclaims it as a triumph in their behalf. Notwithstanding all this, however, what has occurred here and in the country, during this contest, has compelled a conviction that Slavery will gain something, and Freedom will endure a severe, though I hope not an irretrievable loss. The slaveholding States are passive, quiet, content, and satisfied with the prospective boon, and the free States are excited and alarmed with fearful forebodings and apprehensions. The impatience for the speedy passage of the bill manifested by its friends betrays a knowledge that this is the condition of public sentiment in the free States. They thought in the beginning that it was necessary to guard the measure by inserting the Clayton amendment, which would exclude unnaturalized foreign inhabitants of the Territories from the right of suffrage. And now they seem willing, with alSir, it would be almost factious to offer further most perfect unanimity, to relinquish that saferesistance to this measure here. Indeed, suc-guard, rather than to delay the adoption of the cessful resistance was never expected to be made principal measure for at most a year, perhaps in this Hall. The Senate floor is an old battle for only a week or a day. Suppose that the Senground, on which have been fought many con- ate should adhere to that condition, which so tests, and always, at least since 1820, with fortune lately was thought so wise and so importantadverse to the cause of equal and universal what then? The bill could only go back to the freedom. We were only a few here who engaged House of Representatives, which must either in that cause in the beginning of this contest. yield or insist! In the one case or in the other, All that we could hope to do-all that we did a decision in favor of the bill would be secured; hope to do was to organize and to prepare the for even if the House should disagree, the Senate issue for the House of Representatives, to which would have time to recede. But the majority the country would look for its decision as author-will hazard nothing, even on a prospect so ceritative, and to awaken the country that it might tain as this. They will recede at once, without a be ready for the appeal which would be made, moment's further struggle, from the condition, whatever the decision of Congress might be. We and thus secure the passage of this bill now, toare no stronger now. Only fourteen at the first, night. Why such haste? Even if the question it will be fortunate if, among the ills and accidents were to go to the country before a final decision which surround us, we shall maintain that num- here, what would there be wrong in that? There ber to the end. is no man living who will say that the country anticipated, or that he anticipated, agitation of this measure in Congress, when this Congress was elected, or even when it assembled in December last. We are on the eve of the consummation of a great national transaction-a transaction which will close a cycle in the history of our countryand it is impossible not to desire to pause a moment and survey the scene around us and the prospect before us. However obscure we may individually be, our connection with this great transaction will perpetuate our names for the praise or for the censure of future ages, and perhaps in regions far remote. If, then, we had no other motive for our actions but that of an honest desire for a just fame, we could not be indifferent to that scene and that prospect. But individual interests and ambition sink into insignificance in view of the interests of our country and of mankind. These interests awaken, at least in me, an intense solicitude. It was said by some in the beginning, and it has been said by others later in this debate, that it was doubtful whether it would be the cause of Slavery or the cause of Freedom that would gain Under such circumstances, and in the midst of agitation, and excitement, and debates, it is only fair to say that certainly the country has not decided in favor of the bill. The refusal, then, to let the question go to the country, is a conclusive proof that the slave States, as represented here, expect from the passage of this bill what the free States insist that they will lose by it, an advantage, a material advantage, and not a mere abstraction. There are men in the slave States, as in the free States, who insist always too pertinaciously upon mere abstractions. But that is not the policy of the slave States to-day. They are in earnest in seeking for and securing an object, and an important one. I believe they are going to have it. I do not know how long the advantage gained will last, nor how great or comprehensive it will be. Every Senator who compact, as to admit Missouri a new slave State; agrees with me in opinion must feel as I do-that but upon the express condition, stipulated in under such circumstances he can forego nothing favor of the free States, that Slavery should be that can be done decently, with due respect to forever prohibited in all the residue of the existdifference of opinion, and consistently with the ing and unorganized Territories of the United constitutional and settled rules of legislation, to States lying north of the parallel of 36 deg. 30 m. place the true merits of the question before the north latitude. Certainly, I find nothing to win country. Questions sometimes occur, which seem my favor toward the bill in the proposition of to have two right sides. Such were the questions the Senator from Maryland [Mr. PEARCE] to rethat divided the English nation between Pitt and store the Clayton amendment, which was struck Fox-such the contest between the assailant and out in the House of Representatives. So far the defender of Quebec. The judgment of the from voting for that proposition, I shall vote world was suspended by its sympathies, and against it now, as I did when it was under conseemed ready to descend in favor of him who sideration here before, in accordance with the should be most gallant in conduct. And so, when opinion adopted as early as any political opinboth fell with equal chivalry on the same field, the ions I ever had, and cherished as long, that the survivors united in raising a common monument right of suffrage is not a mere conventional to the glorious but rival memories of Wolfe and right, but an inherent natural right, of which no Montcalm. But this contest involves a moral Government can rightly deprive any adult man question. The slave States so present it. They who is subject to its authority, and obligated to maintain that African Slavery is not erroneous, its support. not unjust, not inconsistent with the advancing! I hold, moreover, sir, that inasmuch as every cause of human nature. Since they so regard it, man is, by force of circumstances beyond his I do not expect to see statesmen representing own control, a subject of Government somethose States indifferent about a vindication of where, he is, by the very constitution of human this system by the Congress of the United States. society, entitled to share equally in the conferOn the other hand, we of the free States regard ring of political power on those who wield it, if Slavery as erroneous, unjust, oppressive, and he is not disqualified by crime; that in a destherefore absolutely inconsistent with the prin- potic Government he ought to be allowed arms, ciples of the American Constitution and Govern-in a free Government the ballot or the open vote, ment. Who will expect us to be indifferent to the as a means of self-protection against unenduradecisions of the American people and of mankind ble oppression. I am not likely, therefore, to on such an issue? restore to this bill an amendment which would Again: there is suspended on the issue of this deprive it of an important feature imposed upon contest the political equilibrium between the free it by the House of Representatives, and that one, and the slave States. It is no ephemeral ques-perhaps, the only feature that harmonizes with tion, no idle question, whether Slavery shall go my own convictions of justice. It is true that the on increasing its influence over the central power House of Representatives stipulates such sufhere, or whether Freedom shall gain the ascend-frage for white men as a condition for opening it ency. I do not expect to see statesmen of the to the possible proscription and slavery of the slave States indifferent on so momentous a ques- African. I shall separate them. I shall vote for tion, and as little can it be expected that those the former, and against the latter, glad to get of the free States will betray their own great universal suffrage of white men, if only that cause. And now it remains for me to declare, can be gained now, and working right on, full in view of the decision of this controversy so of hope and confidence, for the prevention or near at hand, that I have seen nothing and the abrogation of slavery in the Territories hereheard nothing during its progress to change the after. opinions which at the earliest proper period I deliberately expressed. Certainly, I have not seen the evidence then promised, that the free States would acquiesce in the measure. As certainly, too, I may say that I have not seen the fulfilment of the promise that the history of the last thirty years would be revised, corrected, and amended, and that it would then appear that the country, during all that period, had been resting in prosperity and contentment and peace, not upon a valid, constitutional, and irrevocable compromise between the slave States and the free States, but upon an unconstitutional and false, and even infamous, act of Congressional usurpation. On the contrary, I am now, if possible, more than ever satisfied that, after all this debate, the history of the country will go down to posterity just as it stood before, carrying to them the everlasting facts that until 1820 the Congress of the United States legislated to prevent the introduction of slavery into new Territories whenever that object was practicable; and that in that year they so far modified that policy, under alarming apprehensions of civil convulsion, by a constitutional enactment in the character of a Sir, I am surprised at the pertinacity with which the honorable Senator from Delaware, mine ancient and honorable friend, [Mr. CLAYTON,] perseveres in opposing the granting of the right of suffrage to the unnaturalized foreigner in the Territories. Congress cannot deny him that right. Here is the third article of that convention by which Louisiana, including Kansas and Nebraska, was ceded to the United States: "The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated in the Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of the rights, privileges, and immunities of citizens of the United States; and in the mean time they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion they profess." The inhabitants of Kansas and Nebraska are citizens already, and by force of this treaty must continue to be, and as such to enjoy the right of suffrage, whatever laws you may make to the contrary. My opinions are well known, to wit: That Slavery is not only an evil, but a local one, injurious and ultimately pernicious to society, wherever it exists, and in conflict with the con stitutional principles of society in this country. gaining a foothold in Kansas. Congress only I am not willing to extend nor to permit the gives consent, but it does not and cannot introextension of that local evil into regions now duce slavery there. Slavery will be embarrassed free within our empire. I know that there are by its own overgrasping spirit. No one, I am some who differ from me, and who regard the sure, anticipates the possible re-establishment of Constitution of the United States as an instru- the African slave trade. The tide of emigration ment which sanctions Slavery as well as Freedom. to Kansas is therefore to be supplied there solely But if I could admit a proposition so incongruous by the domestic fountain of slave production. with the letter and spirit of the Federal Consti- But Slavery has also other regions besides Kantution, and the known sentiments of its illustrious sas to be filled from that fountain. There are all founders, and so should conclude that Slavery of New-Mexico and all of Utah already within was national, I must still cherish the opinion the United States; and then there is Cuba, that that it is an evil; and because it is a national consumes slave labor and life as fast as any one one, I am the more firmly held and bound to of the slaveholding States can supply it; and prevent an increase of it, tending, as I think it besides these regions, there remains all of Mexmanifestly does, to the weakening and ultimate ico down to the Isthmus. The stream of slave overthrow of the Constitution itself, and there- labor flowing from so small a fountain, and fore to the injury of all mankind. I know there broken into several divergent channels, will not have been States which have endured long, and cover so great a field; and it is reasonably to be achieved much, which tolerated Slavery; but hoped that the part of it nearest to the North that was not the Slavery of caste, like African Pole will be the last to be inundated. But AfriSlavery. Such Slavery tends to demoralize can slave emigration is to compete with free equally the subjected race and the superior one. emigration of white men, and the source of this It has been the absence of such Slavery from latter tide is as ample as the civilization of the Europe that has given her nations their supe- two entire continents. The honorable Senator riority over other countries in that hemisphere. from Delaware mentioned, as if it were a startSlavery, wherever it exists, begets fear, and fear ling fact, that twenty thousand European immiis the parent of weakness. What is the secret grants arrived in New-York in one month. Sir, of that eternal, sleepless anxiety.in the legisla- he has stated the fact with too much moderation. tive halls, and even at the firesides, of the slave On my return to the capital, a day or two ago, I States, always asking new stipulations, new com- met twelve thousand of these immigrants who promises and abrogation of compromises, new had arrived in New-York on one morning, and assumptions of power and abnegations of power, who had thronged the churches on the following but fear? It is the apprehension that, even if Sabbath, to return thanks for deliverance from safe now, they will not always or long be secure the perils of the sea, and for their arrival in the against some invasion or some aggression from land, not of Slavery, but of Liberty. I also thank the free States. What is the secret of the humil- God for their escape, and for their coming. iating part which proud old Spain is acting at They are now on their way westward, and the this day, trembling between alarms of American news of the passage of this bill, preceding them, intrusion into Cuba on one side, and British will speed many of them towards Kansas and dictation on the other, but the fact that she has Nebraska. Such arrivals are not extraordinary cherished Slavery so long, and still cherishes it,they occur almost every week; and the immiin the last of her American colonial possessions? gration from Germany, from Great Britain, and Thus far, Kansas and Nebraska are safe, under from Norway, and from Sweden, during the Euthe laws of 1820, against the introduction of this ropean war, will rise to six or seven hundred element of national debility and decline. The thousand souls in a year. And with this tide is bill before us, as we are assured, contains a great to be mingled one rapidly swelling from Asia and principle, a glorious principle; and yet that from the islands of the South Seas. All the imprinciple, when fully ascertained, proves to be migrants, under this bill as the House of Reprenothing less than the subversion of that security, sentatives overruling you have ordered, will be not only within the Territories of Kansas and good, loyal, Liberty-loving, Slavery-fearing citiNebraska, but within all the other present and zens. Come on, then, gentlemen of the slave future new Territories of the United States. Thus States. Since there is no escaping your challenge, it is quite clear that it is not a principle alone I accept it in behalf of the cause of Freedom. that is involved, but that those who crowd this We will engage in competition for the virgin soil measure with so much zeal and earnestness must of Kansas, and God give the victory to the side expect that either Freedom or Slavery shall gain which is stronger in numbers as it is in right. something by it in those regions. The case, then, stands thus in Kansas and Nebraska Freedom may lose, but certainly can gain nothing; while Slavery may gain, but as certainly can lose nothing. There are, however, earnest advocates of this bill, who do not expect, and who, I suppose, do not desire, that Slavery shall gain possession of Nebraska. What do they expect to gain? The honorable Senator from Indiana [Mr. PETTIT] So far as I am concerned, the time for looking says that by thus obliterating the Missouri Comon the dark side has passed. I feel quite sure promise restriction, they will gain a tabula rasa, that Slavery at most can get nothing more than on which the inhabitants of Kansas and Nebraska Kansas; while Nebraska, the wider northern may write whatever they will. This is the great region, will, under existing circumstances, es- principle of the bill, as he understands it. Well, cape, for the reason that its soil and climate are what gain is there in that? You obliterate a uncongenial with the staples of slave culture-Constitution of Freedom. If they write a new rice, sugar, cotton, and tobacco. Moreover, since Constitution of Freedom, can the new be better the public attention has been so well and so than the old? If they write a Constitution of effectually directed toward the subject, I cherish Slavery, will it not be a worse one? I ask the a hope that Slavery may be prevented even from honorable Senator that! But the honorable Sen |