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six hundred thousand livres immediately, to send in that ship; and I was answered by the Count de Vergennes, that the rest of the six millions should be paid us quarterly in the course of the year 1783. If your drafts make it necessary, I believe we can have it advanced, at least on paying discount. Mr. Grand has been ever since busy collecting the proper species to send it in, and it will go, I suppose, to-morrow or next day. I am glad to make use of this opportunity, and wish the sum could have been larger, as we

Commissioners had reflected on the consequences, and been less precipitate in signing their provisional articles."― December 24th. MS. Letter.

The instructions from Congress to the American Commissioners, respecting their coöperation with the French ministry in negotiating the treaty, were of the following purport.

"You are to make the most candid and confidential communications upon all subjects to the ministers of our generous ally, the King of France; to undertake nothing in the negotiations for peace, or truce, without their knowledge and concurrence; and ultimately to govern yourselves by their advice and opinion, endeavouring in your whole conduct to make them sensible, how much we rely upon his Majesty's influence for effectual aid in every thing that may be necessary to the peace, security, and future prosperity of the United States of America." The violation of the instructions by the American Commissioners, in concluding and signing their treaty without the concurrence of the French government, is the more unjustifiable, on account of the fidelity with which the French ministers adhered to the spirit of those instructions, with reference to the United States, in negotiating their treaty with England. This subject is treated in Wilmot's "Historical View of the Commission for inquiring into the Losses, Services, and Claims of the American Loyalists." Speaking of the efforts made in favor of the Loyalists at the time of negotiating the treaty, he says;

"The writer of these sheets, who has seen the correspondence between the government at home, and those who were employed to negotiate this important business at Paris, can assert with confidence, that the utmost possible pains were repeatedly taken to procure more substantial terms for the Loyalists; that the treaty was on the point of being broken off on this account alone; that the fourth, fifth, and sixth articles of the treaty were obtained and almost extorted with the greatest difficulty; that the court of Versailles absolutely refused to come to any treaty or decision at all, till the American Commissioners were completely satisfied."-p. 37.

have got a passport from England for the ship Washington, Captain Barney, signed by the King's own hand, the more curious, as it acknowledges us by our title of the United States of America.

We should not, however, imagine ourselves already in peace. The other powers are not yet agreed, and war may still continue longer than we expect. Our preliminaries have not yet been communicated to Parliament, and I apprehend there will be great clamors against them when they appear. Hints are already thrown out, that the King has gone beyond his powers; and, if the new ministry do not stand their ground, perhaps the ratification may be prevented. A little more success in the West Indies this winter may totally turn the heads of that giddy nation.

I pressed hard, therefore, for the whole sum demanded, but was told it was impossible, the great efforts to be made this campaign in the East and West Indies (the armies for which are now afloat), and the enormous expense engaged in, having much embarrassed the finances.

Our people certainly ought to do more for themselves. It is absurd, the pretending to be lovers of liberty while they grudge paying for the defence of it. It is said here, that an impost of five per cent on all goods imported, though a most reasonable proposition, had not been agreed to by all the States, and was therefore frustrated; and that your newspapers acquaint the world with this, with the non-payment of taxes by the people, and with the non-payment of interest to the creditors of the public. The knowledge of these things has hurt our credit, and the loan in Holland, and would prevent our getting any thing here but from 'the government. The foundation of credit abroad should be laid at home, and certain funds should be prepared

and established beforehand, for the regular payment at least of the interest. With sincere esteem and respect, I am, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Swedish Ambassador exchanges full Powers with Dr. Franklin.

SIR,

Passy, 24 December, 1782.

Sundry circumstances, occurring since mine of the 5th and 14th, have hitherto retarded the departure of our despatches. They will now go under the security of a British passport, be accompanied by a sum of money, and by some further intelligence from England, which shows the still unsettled state of minds there, and, together with the difficulties and small progress in the Dutch and Spanish negotiations, makes the speedy conclusion of peace still uncertain.

The Swedish ambassador has exchanged full powers with me. I send a copy of his herewith. We have had some conferences on the proposed plan of our treaty, and he has despatched a courier for further instructions respecting some of the articles.

The Commissioners have joined in a letter to you, recommending the consideration of a proposal from Mr. Bridgen, relating to copper coin. With this you have a copy of that proposal, and a sample of the copper. If it should be accepted, I conceive the weight and value of the pieces (charge of coinage deducted) should be such that they should be aliquot parts of a Spanish dollar. By the copy enclosed, of an old letter of mine to Mr. Brigden, you will see the ideas I had of the additional utility such a coinage might be of in communicating instruction.*

* See this letter in Vol. VIII. p. 383.

December 25th. Enclosed is a copy of a letter just received from Count de Vergennes, upon the present state of the negotiation with England. With great regard, I have the honor to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN.

TO FRANCIS HOPKINSON.

Planting Trees in Philadelphia. —Newspaper Abuse.

DEAR SIR,

Passy, 24 December, 1782.

I thank you for your ingenious paper in favor of the trees. I own I now wish we had two rows of them in every one of our streets. The comfortable shelter they would afford us, when walking, from our burning summer suns, and the greater coolness of our walls and pavements, would, I conceive, in the improved health of the inhabitants, amply compensate the loss of a house now and then by fire, if such should be the consequence. But a tree is soon felled; and, as axes are at hand in every neighbourhood, may be down before the engines arrive.

You do well to avoid being concerned in the pieces of personal abuse, so scandalously common in our newspapers, that I am afraid to lend any of them here, until I have examined and laid aside such as would disgrace us, and subject us among strangers to a reflection like that used by a gentleman in a coffeehouse to two quarrellers, who, after a mutually free use of the words, rogue, villain, rascal, scoundrel, &c., seemed as if they would refer their dispute to him; "I know nothing of you, or your affairs," said he; "I only perceive that you know one another."

The conductor of a newspaper should, methinks, consider himself as in some degree the guardian of

his country's reputation, and refuse to insert such writings as may hurt it. If people will print their abuses of one another, let them do it in little pamphlets, and distribute them where they think proper. It is absurd to trouble all the world with them; and unjust to subscribers in distant places, to stuff their paper with matters so unprofitable and so disagreeable. With sincere esteem and affection, I am, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

FROM COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN,

Translation.

Versailles, 25 December, 1782.

SIR,

I have the honor to send you my despatches for the Chevalier de la Luzerne. The packet is voluminous, but it contains many duplicates.

I should be glad if it were in my power to inform him, that our treaty is in as good progress as yours, but this is far from being the case. I cannot even foresee what will be the issue, for difficulties multiply. It will be well for you to forewarn the Congress to be prepared for whatever event may arise. I do not despair; I rather hope; but as yet all is uncertainty. I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.

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We have taken some good steps here towards a peace. Our independence is acknowledged; our boun

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