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hitherto had no transactions of this kind; be that, however, as it may, we find Friends almost as early as they came in contact with the native tribes of America, and many years previous to the settlements of West Jersey, much interested for the promotion of their good. As early as the year 1659, we find that Friends were engaged in gospel labours among this interesting class of their fellow-men.' -p. 19.
The Travels of George Fox, and of his friend Robert Widders, among the Indians in the service of the gospel are next alluded to; and some extracts from epistles, addressed from time to time by George Fox to his transatlantic brethren, show the abiding concern which attended his mind on behalf of the uncivilized tribes in that country, and his desire that Friends might be engaged in the good work of conveying christian instruction to them.
We now come to one of the most important and interesting portions of this volume, one to the subject of which, if the Friends represent it truly, we can have no hesitation in saying that history has not done full justice. It is well known that William Penn became possessed of the state of Pennsylvania by a grant to him from the crown of England in 1681, in lieu of a debt of sixteen thousand pounds, due to his father, Admiral Penn, for the liquidation of which William Penn petitioned Charles the Second for the territory in question; and it has been generally supposed that his chief motive for peopling it with Friends was, the very natural and accessory one, in his and their peculiar position, of affording them an asylum from the harassing tribulations to which they were subjected at home through the bigotry of the spiritual courts, and where they might enjoy full liberty of conscience in uninterrupted tranquillity. Clarkson, however, alleges three distinct objects which he states that Penn had in view when he petitioned for his grant,--and which objects are deducible from the words of Penn himself; namely, first, that he may 'serve God's truth and people ;' secondly, that an example miglt be set up to the nations,' inasmuch as there was room there (i.e. America) not here (i.e. England) for such an holy experiment:' and, thirdly, that he had in view the glory of God by the civilization of the poor Indians, and the conversion of the Gentiles by just and · lenient measures to Christ's kingdom. The authors of the present publication, however, somewhat paradoxically, we think, give the last as the main object which Penn had in view in his colonization of Pennsylvania. It is true, they endeavour to strengthen their construction of the case by one or two extracts from his writings; but still we cannot help thinking that the principal motive they assign to him ought rather to be
regarded in the light of a commendable after-thought, than the primary actuating inducement that led him to petition for the grant. But we will cite the passage, so that the reader may judge for himself:
“Great as we know the desires of William Penn were for the liberation of his friends from the galling yoke of oppression to which they were subjected in this country, for their adherence to what they apprehended were the requirements of Truth, and which, we believe, he was as much engaged to promote as any other individual of his day; and however much, in the tenderness of his feelings for them, he might have been influenced in petitioning for this territory, with a view to provide them with a country, where church domination, and the persecution of spiritual courts should be unknown; it is, never. theless, clear to us, that this was far from the main object which he had in view. In fact, we cannot bring our minds to believe that William Penn, seeing the noble testimony which was now so conspicuously raised, to the spirituality of the christian religion, and the light which shone so brightly forth in the lives of those with whom he was associated in religious fellowship, should, by persuading these devoted people to emigrate to a comparatively obscure and thinly populated part of the globe, thus place this light as it were under a bushel, and remove it far away from amongst the civilized nations of the earth, for the simple object only of affording them a quiet retreat from a persecution, in and through which, as he had ample opportunity of beholding, the Divine arm so remarkably supported them.
‘Whatever may be the conjectures of men regarding the object which William Penn had in view, in seeking to obtain the province of Pennsylvania, we are not left in doubt of what he himself aimed at in this great undertaking. In this petition to the Crown he states, that in making the application for the grant, “he had in view the glory of God by the civilization of the poor Indians, and the conversion of the Gentiles, by just and lenient measures to Christ's kingdom.' That this was a most prominent feature in his petition, and apparently the main object which he had in view, the preamble of the charter granting the said province to him, fully confirms, and which runs thus, viz.:- Whereas our trusty and well-beloved subject, William Penn, Esquire, son and heir of Sir William Penn, deceased, (out of a commendable desire to enlarge our British em. pire, and promote such useful commodities as may be of benefit to us and our dominions, as also to reduce the savage natives, by just and gentle manners, to the love of civil society and christian religion), hath humbly besought leave of us to transport an ample colony unto a certain country, hereinafter described in the parts of America not yet cultivated and planted; and hath likewise so humbly besought our Royal Majesty to give, grant, and confirm all the said.country, with certain privileges and jurisdictions, requisite for the good govern
ment and safety of the said country and colony to him and to his heirs for ever.’’
If we are required to lay much stress on the passage marked in italics in this quotation, are we not required to lay greater (inasmuch as they are mentioned first) on the other two alleged motives, namely, the enlargement of the British empire and the promotion of useful commodities ? And yet this passage is one of the principal authorities on which the opinion in question is founded. Admirers as we are of the character and principles of the truly philanthropic founder of Pennsylvania, we are still of opinion, in our anxiety for the truth and the accuracy of facts, that the civilization of the Indians was a subordinate and collateral, though a most laudable motive with him. Several reasons and arguments drawn à posteriori might be given, we think, to substantiate this view ; but space will not permit us to dwell upon it.
We now arrive at the memorable treaty, in which a firm league of peace was concluded between the Friends, headed by William Penn, and the Indians; and 'which has won the admiration and praise of all unprejudiced, sound-thinking, and reflective minds; as being a transaction, consonant with the feelings of humanity and an expansive benevolence, and in unison also with the principles of justice and a sound national policy, alike worthy of the christian and the statesman.' Of this famous treaty, Voltaire very pointedly observed, that it was the only treaty between the Indians and the christians that was not ratified by an oath, and that was never broken. The Abbé Raynal; Noble, in his continuation of Granger; Proud, in his History of Pennsylvania, and others, equally bear testimony to the honourable and truly christian character of this celebrated treaty. The reader will find a most interesting account of it in Clarkson as well as in the work before us. Our chief object here is with the consequences resulting from such christian treatment; and the following extract from the testimony of one of the early settlers in Pennsylvania, is to the point : “As our worthy proprietor,' says he, 'treated the Indians with extraordinary humanity, they became very civil and loving to us, and brought in abundance of venison. As, in other countries, the Indians were exasperated by hard treatment, which hath been the foundation of much bloodshed, so the contrary treatment here hath produced their love and affection.' It is recorded also in a manuscript account of John Scarborough, a Friend of London, who emigrated to this colony, · That the Indians were remarkably kind and very assistant to the Friend emigrants in divers respects; frequently supplying them with such provisions as they could spare.' Speaking of William Penn's religious labours among the Indian tribes, Oldmixon says, that he laid out several thousand pounds to instruct, support, and oblige them. The consequence was, on their part, an attachment to him and his successors, which was never broken.”
We conclude this part of our subject with the following citations, in the full purport of which every rightly-constituted mind must cordially concur. We can only wish that all colonists of the present day would abide by its precepts and imitate the example it sets forth.
• The Aborigines have been often treated as though they were wild and irreclaimable savages. They have been often shamefully deceived, insulted, trampled upon, pillaged, and massacred. Their resistance to oppression, after long and patient endurance, has been again and again appealed to as evidence of their cruel and revengeful spirit. But how seldom have Christian dispositions been recommended to them by example? How seldom has the attempt been made to win them over, not by force, but by love? It is, indeed, melancholy to reflect that the superior knowledge and acquirements of their white brethren, instead of being employed in setting forth a noble example of mercy and truth, have seemed in too many instances only to give increased energy to the efforts of cruelty and avarice.
* The Christian and candid manner of William Penn towards the Indians appears to have made a deep and lasting impression on their minds, and his name and memory were held in grateful remembrance by succeeding generations of them, being carefully handed down by tradition from father to son. An instance of this was shown in a conference which Governor Keith had with the Five Nations in 1721, when their chief speaker said, ‘They should never forget the counsel that William Penn gave them; and that though they could not write as the English did, yet they could keep in the memory what was said in their councils.” At a treaty renewed in the following year, they mention his name with much affection, calling him a ‘good man,’ and saying, ‘we are glad to hear the former treaties which we have made with William Penn repeated to us again.” At a treaty held with the Six Nations at Philadelphia, in 1742, Canassatego, chief of the Onondagoes, said, “We are all very sensible of the kind regard which that good man, William Penn, had for all the Indians.' Again, at a treaty held in 1756, a Delaware chief thus expressed himself:—‘Brother Onas, and the people of Pennsylvania, we rejoice to hear from you that you are willing to renew the old good understanding, and that you call to mind the first treaties of friendship made by Onas, our great friend, deceased, with our forefathers, when himself and his people first came over here. We take hold of these treaties with both our hands, and desire you will do the same, that a good understanding and true friendship may be re-established. Let us both take hold of these treaties with all our strength, we beseech you; we on our side will certainly do it.' On concluding a peace in the same year, an Indian said, ‘I wish the same good spirit that possessed the good old man, William Penn, who was a friend to the Indians, may inspire the people of this province at this time,' &c. These, with many more instances of a similar kind that have come to our knowledge, confirm us in the belief, that the exercise of a just and kind treatment towards the uncivilized classes of our fellow-beings, is sure to win their confidence and affection, and be productive to both settler and native of incalculable advantages.'--pp. 43, 44.
Again, the success and internal prosperity of the State of Pennsylvania, as compared with other States, at least so long as the Friends retained a power in the government, speaks highly in favour of the course of policy adopted by them at its first settlement. The contrast, (which however we have not room to detail,) between the peaceful and prosperous condition of this province for a period of about seventy years, and the warlike and troubled state of some of the other colonies during the same time is remarkably striking. The editors observe :
'The upright and candid line of conduct pursued by William Penn, . and the government of Pennsylvania towards the Indians, and their care fully to recognise their rights, seems to have tended in no small degree to its success and prosperity. Although the colony of Pennsylvania was established considerably after most of the other provinces bordering upon the Atlantic, and without possessing the advantages which several of them bad in the produce of staple articles of trade, yet, it was estimated, that in 1760 it contained more wbite inhabitants than all Virginia, Maryland, and both of the Carolinas. The plan for Pbiladelphia was laid down in 1682. In 1718, William Penn died, in which year it is stated that Philadelphia contained 1,400 houses, and 10,000 inhabitants; and the province altogether, about 60,000 people. In 1760, it is said, that there were in Philadelphia 3,000 houses, containing 20,000 inbabitants, and throughout Pennsylvania 200,000 people. In an account of the European settlements in America, published by Dodsley in 1757, the statistics of the white population exhibit a still greater proportion in favour of Pennsylvania, by which it appears that, excepting New England and New York, it contained more settlers than all the other provinces united : they are as under:New England
80,000 Virginia, the oldest
70,000 New Jersey ..
40,000 North and South Carolina, and Georgia
. . 60,000 • The cause of this increase of population in so short a time, is generally said to be the kind and just treatment which the Indians received from the settlers, whereby the province was rendered entirely