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remembered, that the House had been elected in 1828, that, its regard for the interest of its constituents was not yet wholly overcome by the administration influence, and that at its election, the people had not yet felt the full force of presidential reform. But Mr. Barbour's remark, that there "would be a question between the constituent body and its agents," intimated that different relations between the Executive and the House, might be soon anticipated.

247. The reluctance of the House to obey all the Presi-· ` dent's behests, was looked upon as a trick of President making, designed to operate upon the next election; and the Globe, the newly constituted government paper, denounced the action of Congress, asking, "What can be believed, but that principles and measures are advanced and abandoned, advocated and opposed, solely with a view to their effect on the next presidential election." "It is time for the honest and true representatives of the people to take a stand against this miserable, corrupting, fatal, business of President making, and in favour of the people. Let not the support of the administration be nominal. Let the spirit of true reform show itself in Congress, where it is as much needed as ever it was in any of the extensive offices."

We agree, that this President making is a corrupting business, and that it is most corrupting when exercised by the President in power, and that the proclamation from which we have just quoted, claiming more than a nominal support for the administration, is pregnant evidence of it. The administration, that is, its Premier, at least, was looking forward to the making of more than one President, and, consequently, to the disposal of a prominent rival, in whose favour it was supposed the House of Representatives were moulding its measures. Our next chapter will afford a lesson to a politi cian how to rid himself of a rival.

CHAPTER IX.

HOW TO DISPOSE OF A RIVAL.

248. We have seen, that Mr. Calhoun had withdrawn from the presidential contest, in 1824, and had given his aid to General Jackson; but he had never abandoned the hope of attaining the high object of his ambition. The Vice Presidency was a vantage ground from which he might, more readily, leap into the desired seat, which he believed, if faith could be placed in the professions of man, was to be vacated after one term's enjoyment by General Jackson. Mr. C. has given his reason for his support of the General thus: "My support of him rested on a principle I believe to be fundamental in our political system,* and the hope that his deep rooted popularity would afford the most effectual means of arresting the course of events (in relation to the tariff and internal improvements) which I could not but foresee, if not arrested, would bring the great interests of the country into a deep and dangerous conflict:" And, we trust we may be permitted to add, with an expectation that he might reap the succession.

249. But against this consummation of his wishes, all the powers of the black art had combined. The potent magician had woven his effective spells. Opposed by the deep rooted popularity of the General, all hopes of success were vain. But, the influence of that popularity was never to be his. Mr. Van Buren, too, had counted on the withdrawal of General Jackson, at the end of his first period. But, when he discovered, that the General gave no evidence of satiety in the enjoyment of power, he had the patience, the praiseworthy, and self-rewarding patience of the calculating politician, to postpone the chance of immediate gratification, to the certainty of future success. The more ardent spirit of the South could not, thus, brook delay, and the efforts of her sons becom

*Note. We do not understand this, but suppose it to allude to the assumption, that General Jackson was the choice of the people; but that reason was no way applicable, before the General had tried the polls. Before that, Mr. Calhoun had joined his standard with the vote of South Carolina

ing apparent, Mr. Van Buren sprung a mine upon Mr. Calhoun, which had been long dug beneath the feet of him who was the only rival in the Jackson party, who could give Mr. Van Buren uneasiness.

250. It was already felt, that the influence of reform had given to the President a potential, if not a conclusive voice, in designating his successor. His favour was as much to be sought, as his enmity was to be deprecated. It was, therefore, a desirable stroke of policy for a Presidential aspirant, to gain the one, and to turn the other, upon his rival. Mr. Van Buren succeeded in effecting this, by a coup de mâitre which has rarely been surpassed. In it, he exhibited the consum`mation of art which conceals art; for whilst he accomplished an effective work, scarce the mark of a tool is visible. The work assumes, what it is affirmed to be, the happy ministra tion of Providence. We will endeavour to narrate the particulars of this event, preserving chronological order.

251. Mr. James A. Hamilton, at this time, we believe United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York, was delegated, in 1827, to represent the New York Tamany Society, at New Orleans, in the celebration of the 8th of January 1828, at that place. General Jackson had been invited by the legislature of Louisiana to attend the celebration. Mr. Hamilton joined the General at Nashville, whence he proceeded with him and his suite. During the voyage, there was much conversation among the General's friends, in relation to the various charges against the General, which the Presidential canvass had originated or renewed; and, particularly, as to the unfriendly course Mr. Crawford was supposed to have taken towards him, in relation to the Seminole war.* It being understood, that Mr. Hamilton on his return, passing through Georgia, would avail himself of the opportunity to visit Mr. Crawford, Major Lewis de

* The reader will observe, that, Mr. Crawford's views of the the General's conduct in that war, were known, or supposed to be known. The application to be made to him, therefore, could not be for information of his views and conduct, but of the views and conduct of others. If of others, of whom, save Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Adams or Mr. Wirt? Mr. Adams' were fully known-Mr. Wirt's were now unimportant. But those of Mr. Calhoun were interesting to the General, and to Mr. Hamilton as the adjective of Mr. Van Buren. These circumstances raise the violent presumption that it was a knowledge of Mr. Calhoun's conduct that was to be sought.

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these agents. great as it might be, would be harmless, in comparison with that flowing from the dispensation of bank accommodations, which might now be estimated at sixty millions of dollars, and which would increase, annually. What mind does not shrink from the contemplation of a project so ominous to the purity of the Government, and the liberties of the people. No Government, except, perhaps, the despotism of Russia, ever had a patronage so prodigious in its influence, and so dangerous in its character. In the most desperate financial extremity, no other European Government has ventured upon an experiment so perilous. If the American Executive possessed the whole patronage of the Englishi monarchy, political and civil liberty would not be so much endangered, as by this pecuniary machine, giving to the administration a vast, almost unlimited, fund, for rewarding political partisans.

242. The committee of ways and means of the House of Representatives, composed of a majority of the friends of General Jackson, whose chairman was Mr. George McDuffie, one of the most distinguished of his partisans, ably exposed the true character of this conspiracy, of consummate and profligate art, with ignorant and reckless audacity, against the nation; and thus indicated the probable conséquences of its

success.

“Without assuming that a corrupt use would be made of this new species of government patronage, a very slight acquaintance with the practice of all political parties, whatever be their professions, will be sufficient to satisfy any reflecting mind, that, all the evil consequences of corruption would flow from its exercise. Have not our political contests, too frequently, degenerated into a selfish scramble for the offices of the country? Are there not those, who sincerely and honestly believe, that these offices are legitimate objects of political warfare, and the rightful reward of the victorious party? And disinterested and patriotic as the great body of every political party is admitted to be, the fact is no less true than it is lamentable, that the most devoted and active partisans are, very often, mere soldiers of fortune, who watch the political signs, and enlist at the eleventh hour, under the banners of the party most likely to prove successful. Such being, more or less, the composition of all political parties, what would be the probable use made of fifty millions of bank patronage, by a political party which conscientiously, held the doctrine, that all the offices in the gift of the Executive should be divided

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