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may become a Parliamentary speaker in early life, he cannot become a consummate Statesman at a time of life equally early. He must have read much; he must have conversed, and reflected deeply, before he can be qualified to direct the affairs of a great nation. Mr. Pitt had never travelled. I believe he was imperfectly acquainted with the French language. Before I finish these reflections, I shall probably show, in some striking instances, how ignorant he was of the situation of France. But, for the present, I will only view him in the. first nine years of his Administration ; and here I am ready to give him the full tribute of applause.

In November, 1783, he came forward to defend the King against the efforts of a confederacy; he was successful: had he failed, the power of the Crown would most probably have been placed under the control of that confederacy, which was denominated the Coalition. An oligarchy would have been established ; and of all the forms of government, oligarchy is most oppressive to the people. Had Mr. Fox's Bill been carried, the patronage of India would have been placed in the hands of the Coalition ; and while they possessed that patronage, it would have been very difficult for the King to have removed them from the Administration. It would have been difficult to prevail on men to accept of office, while they knew that they were to contend with an opposition possessing this patronage. We know from English history the dangerous consequences which have followed from an irremoveable Parliament; perhaps equalmischiefs might have followed from an irremoveable Administration. I give Mr. Pitt full credit for his wise and able conduct on this occasion.

In 1785, he brought forward his · Irish Propositions. They seemed to me to be drawn with too much minute detail. I never could form an opinion as to what the result would have been if they had been adopted. At the close of the discussion, Mr. Pitt allowed such clauses to be introduced as insured the rejection of his Propositions by the Irish Parliament: it was generally believed that he adopted this conduct in com

pliance with the apprehensions of great cotton-manufacturers in Lancashire and Scotland.

In the following session, he established the Sinking Fund; a measure highly beneficial while accompanied with the pacific system. About the same time, he negotiated the commercial treaty with France. In reflecting on this treaty, I can only regret that it was not negotiated with more boldness, and extended to more objects. But Mr. Pitt was most probably controlled by the fears of commercial men.

On the King's illness in 1788, I think Mr. Pitt acted judiciously in resisting the language of Lord Loughborough and Mr. Fox. But I cannot say that I saw with pleasure his attempt to limit the powers of royalty while exercised by the Prince Regent. The King's recovery made this Bill unnecessary; but the opinions then thrown out have, perhaps, been subsequently injurious.

I have thus enumerated the principal acts of Mr. Pitt during these nine years, that I might declare most explicitly my approbation of his conduct. During these nine years, I think Mr. Pitt's Administration, considered together, and as a whole, eminently beneficial to his country. It would have been fortunate for the glory of Mr. Pitt if he had been removed from office at the close of the year 1792.

It would have been equally fortunate for his country; for during the remaining eight years of his Administration, every measure which he brought forward displayed his incapacity as a Statesman. There is full proof, that, down to the close of the year 1792, Mr. Pitt had no intention to abandon his pacific system. In the summer of 1792, towards the close of the session, he said in the House of Commons, “England never had a fairer prospect of a long continuance of peace than she has at the present moment.

I think we may confidently reckon on peace for ten years.” But my opinion of his perseverance in the pacific system does not rest on his expressions in Parliament. Before the close of the session in 1792, the three per cents. had risen almost to par. Mr. Pitt saw that this

him an opportunity of reducing 32,000,000 of four per cent. stock to three per cent. He negotiated with the holders of the four per cents. : they demanded a larger bonus than he chose to give, and he closed his treaty with them, by saying, “ Then we will put off the reduction of this stock till next year.” Can any man believe that Mr. Pitt would have used this language if he had at that time intended to take part in the war? for the war was at that time actually begun by Austria, Prussia, and other German Princes.


In the close of the year 1792, Mr. Burke prevailed on the great Whig families to declare for war with France: it was well known that this declaration would be highly acceptable to the King. Perhaps every King in Europe had been alarmed by the French Revolution. Most certainly all German Princes had felt this alarm in a very high degree; and a jealous apprehension of encroachment on his power,

had always been a marked feature in the King's character. The great Whig families were received by the King with joy. Mr. Burke was rewarded with two pensions, estimated to be worth 40,0001.; whether he received any further gratification

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