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the title accepted by him in 1789, the people would have been uninfluenced by these suspicions, and the return of Buonaparte could never have been attended with success.
I have said that France will become agritultural and commercial: I am aware that this may be prevented by the people being prevailed on to become again a military nation. Although the Bourbons now in existence are not of a military character, yet they will probably wish to give the nation this turn. Kings naturally wish for standing armies, and the Nobles will entertain the hope of being advanced in military rank. The great number of officers formed in the late war will render it more easy to give the nation this propensity; and should a war break out on the continent of Europe, the Bourbons may find the adoption of this policy easy.
But the pacific system can alone confirm the free government of France: it will render the French people happy, and contribute to the happiness of the other nations of Europe.
I have been thus insensibly led to the consideration of the effects which the
French Revolution will probably have on the other states of Europe: but before I proceed to this consideration, I wish to explain what I mean by the expression which I have used, that representative government is permanently fixed in France. I believe this assertion to be true, but it is the only part of their government which is permanently fixed. The Chamber of Peers must either be moulded into a character very different from that which it now exhibits, or it will be extinguished. The Bourbons, ever since their return, have been suspected of wishing to destroy that government of which they are the supreme executive magistrates. I will not inquire whether this suspicion is well or ill founded; but Cæsar's wife must be free even from suspicion ; the King must convince the nation that he has no desire to
which were exercised by Louis XIV. and Louis XV.; that his wishes are in unison with those of his people; and from that moment he starts up the most powerful monarch in the world.
I do not believe that there is in France, at this hour, much personal attachmenteither
to a Bourbon or to Buonaparte. The attachment seems to me to be to the nation : if there is any exception to this sentiment, it is in the military: they remember with pride the victories which the French armies obtained in the progress of the Revolution; and those who have served under Buonaparte attribute their victories to his superior military skill. I believe, however, that I say no more than the truth when I assert, that the attachment of the great body of the people is to the interests of the nation : and they consider those interests as depending on the permanent establishment of representative government. Should I be right in this opinion, France and the United States of America will both be representative governments. The members of the Holy Alliance may cabal and intrigue, but they will tremble. In case of a war, what resistance can the despots of Germany oppose to France ? Their own subjects will be their most formidable enemies, for they will wish to possess the same advantages as are possessed by the people of France. The same sentiments will prevail in Spain, Portugal, and Italy. Great Britain may perhaps escape
wreck of European monarchies; its government is still, to a considerable degree, representative. Wherever an individual, as proprietor or patron, has been permitted to usurp the nomination to a seat in Parliament, to that extent the House of Commons can no longer be considered as the
representative of the people. But the abuse has not yet extended so far but that it may be easily corrected. It is much to be lamented that some men have been so injudicious as to recommend universal suffrage. This would be no remedy; it would be no reform of abuses; it would be revolution. But men who think, see the necessity of correcting abuses; and revolution will be prevented by the adoption of reform.
What changes in other nations will be the consequence
of the French Revolution? We hesitate to give an answer to this question: but there are certain peculiar circumstances which deserve our consideration. Most of the revolutions which we read of in history have been the consequence of conquest by invaders.
Where they have not been effected by conquerors, but have But by
been produced by the efforts of the people, they have in general been confined to the expulsion of the reigning dynasty. The insurrection of the Dutch against Philip II. was confined to the expulsion of that tyrant ; the government was left nearly the same as it had existed before. Even in the late American war, the Americans did little more than deprive the King and his family of the sovereignty. Each colony was left under its antecedent government, the whole being united by a federative union. the French Revolution, the entire government has been swept away.
Will the example be followed in Spain or in the Spanish colonies ? Will it be followed in Germany ? Intelligence is
forth. The rights and duties of governors and governed have been every where discussed. Will the Holy Alliance be able to defeat the people's efforts ? England may, I hope, escape the influence of this Revolution ; a very little reform will bring back her House of Commons to be really the representative of the people. The chief opponents to this reform are those great families which have usurped the nomination to seats in Parliament from those