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The Count de Montmorenci (one of the Secretaries) took the cafket from the hand of one of the Ladies, and laid it on the table; and the President addreffed them in these words:

"The National Affembly fees, with true fatisfaction, with what generous devotion to the public weal you have fignalifed your patriotifm. May your example infpire the fentiments of heroifm, which conftitute the character of a free people, and find as many imitators as you have found admirers. The National affembly will take into confideration your proposal, with all the zeal and intereft which it infpires."

An honourable member afterwards made an eulogium on this act of generofity, furpaffing even the boasted patriotilm of the Roman Camilla, and proposed a refolution.

It, To vote an address of thanks to thefe generous female citizens.

2d, That their names fhould be published in the proces verbal, the votes of the Affembly.

3d, That they fhould be authorifed to wear a mark of diftinction, to preferve the memory of this honourable facrifice. The plaudits were redoubled, and were fo loud as to make it impracticable to take the voice of the Affembly. The Ladies were feated in the centre of the hall, oppofite the President, all dressed in white, with great fimplicity-and here they received the thanks of the Affembly. Their gift was computed to be of the value of 600.000 livres.

The patriotic example of the ladies of Paris, in giving up their jewels to the public, is equal to the patriotifm of ancient Greece or Rome in their moft virtuous days, and is the more remarkable, in a nation formerly distinguished by friyolity and love of fhow. The national character feems totally changed. The Ladies in France have not a little contributed to the Revolution, by their patriotic writings; among the foremost of whom, is the celebrated Madamoifelle de Keralio, author of the hiftory of Queen Elizabeth of England, and of the hiftory of the Learned Ladies of France. Mademoiselle de Keralio, has just published an excellent effay in favour of liberty, in which fhe introduces feveral anecdotes of that engine of defpotifm, the Baftile, and two letters of an unhappy man (Mr Danry), who was confined in that horrible dungeon. His crime was having offended Madame Pompadour, the French King's


mistress. At the end of fourteen he wrote two very penitent letters, one dame Pompadour, defcribing his mifery, to the French minifter, and one to Maby fo long a confinement; but it appears, and that he had almoft loft his faculties those letters were never delivered, as they were found in the Baftile, with the feals unbroken, when it was lately taken by the citizens of Paris. The poor wretch was fuffered to linger in that horrid dungeon, till death relieved him from his miferies. On one of the walls of the Baftile, the following infcription was written by one Guiche, an unfortunate prifoner:

My fpirit be tranquil,

Bear your forrows refignedly;
GOD, all wife and good,

Will terminate your afflictions.
pass away, and GOD only remains.
Life flies, eternity approaches, men

glow of heroifm. The young ViscountThe French ladies have caught the efs de Segur, aged only seventeen, ‘equipt herself in all points like a man,' and fteal the hearts of poor harmless not to range the woods like Rofalind, fhepherdeffes, but to rally her father's tenants, who were running away from a band of marauders, make them face the enemy, and drive them from the field. After this glorious exploit, which happened on the 29th of July, the fair heroine patrolled, with the fuzee on her shoulder, at the head of her forces, along the canal of Loing. The inhabitants of martial attire, went in a body to present the town recognizing the Countefs in her her with a liberty cockade, which the received as a warrior ought to do, placed it in her hat immediately, and fhouldering her firelock, marched back to her father's chateau, amidst the huzzas of her brother foldiers.

ftitutional queftions which have for fome Paris, Sept. 10. The three great contime occupied the attention of the National Affembly, are-ift, Whether the Affembly is to be periodical or permanent.-2dly, Whether it is to form one the King shall have a veto: and, if grantor more Houfes ;-and 3dly, Whether ed, whether it is to be an abfolute, or only a fufpending veto. After a long and queftion, they voted themselves permawarm debate yeflerday, on the first nent; but without any explanation or modification whatever. The fecond queftion, after a very warm debate, was adjourned till the evening.


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His Majefty's Minifters have thought it their duty to acquaint his Majefty with the nature of the business now entered upon by the National Affembly; and his Majefty, after having examined the report I made of it to the Council, has authorised me to lay the fame before the National Affembly, and to fubjoin fome reflections, which I refpectfully offer to the confideration of the National Affembly, and thus keep the promise I made in my last report, to obey the laws of my duty, and come forward as often as I perceived that by doing fo I might be of the finalleft advantage to the public. I have the honour to be,

With refpect, Mr President,
Your moft humble,

And very obedient fervant, Verfailles, Sept. 11. 1789. NECKER.' Mr Necker begins the report by lamenting the confequences that might follow only a small majority in favour of the abfolute veto, the misapprehenfions of the people as to the term itfelf, and that the word confent had not been used in its ftead. He obferves, that the prefent calm of the nation is chiefly due to the influence of reafon and of hope, and that it is abfolutely neceffary to prevent this influence from getting weaker. Thefe confiderations, he fays, led him to think of a fufpenfive veto, which might reconcile all parties, and be attended with no inconveniences. He fuppofes, that the Deputies be chofen for two or three years; that to this period be applied the word Legislature, lately introduced into the language, and then afks, if the Monarch might not be allowed to withhold his confent from fuch laws as he conceived to be contrary to the interefts of the State for two confecutive legislatures, and then if the third legiflature again voted it, that it fhould be valid.

M. Necker combats the idea of his Majefty's being prevailed on to refufe his confent to good laws, and obferves, that if the final prerogative of an indefinite and abfolute veto be of fuch a nature as that it cannot be used, it is fit only for a place amidst the pomp of the throne; that a full confidence should exift between the executive and legislative powers; that the prerogative of a negafive fhould not, when used, appear a rash

enterprise tending to fet the kingdom in a flame, to embarrass and difcredit the adminiftration; but a prerogative that might withhold the royal confent from laws fufceptible of new examination without fear or danger: that wicked minifters, who wished to throw the nation into diforder, might often make use of the abfolute veto, as the means of doing it: that though a King entrusted with an abfolute veto might him felf preferibe a term for the fufpenfion of a law, and after examination confent to it, the Affembiy, not knowing how that term might be prolonged, and not willing to part with its firft ardour for the measure, would most likely stand up against Government, and troubles of every fort commence.

M. Necker goes on to obferve, that the arguments in favour of the abfolute veto are taken from the improbability of the King's oppofing the wishes of the nation, and from reckoning up all the means that may be employed to oblige him to comply with them. "But," adds he, "a relation of this fort between the Sovereign and the nation, a relation in which deference is the effect of fear, is not at all preferable to a limitation that leaves the Sovereign the power of a gentle but ufeful oppofition. It is of the utmoft confequence that the confent given, or withheld, be founded on reafons drawn from the nature of the law itself, and not from a momentary calculation of the different dangers that follow a refufal.

"The King of England, adds Mr Necker, enjoys the privilege of an abfolute

veto, but makes no use of it; and would not dare to use it. Few inconveniencies refult from fuch a tacit renunciation, because the Peers are the guardians of the Crown; because the two Houses of Parliament are watchful of their diftinct interefts; because the English nation is already grown old in the science of Government; because the duration of its Parliament is a long courie of inftruction: because the Ministers are most of them Members of Parliament: because he who has the moft weight, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, is at leaft the chief guide in matters of finance; because the Parliament fits in London, the capital of commerce, the centre of the moft extenfive knowledge; because the Parliament is daily enlightened by the luminous circle that furrounds it; and I may add, because the character of the English nation fecures it from hafty and precipitate deliberations. The effect of


all these circumftances, and of many others, renders the voice of Parliament fo conformable to the interefts of the nation, or the exigence of the moment, that the tacit and neceffary renunciation of the royal veto never can be injurious to the public intereft. But it would not be the fame in France, where none of the parti culars I have juft mentioned are found applicable.

As is generally known, the French nation more than any other is fufceptible of hafty refolutions: it fees quick, is confident, eager to accomplish, and greedy of diftinction. For that perfection of which the nation is worthy, fome check is neceffary to regulate its career, and not divide its ftrength. I believe, then, from direct confiderations, that it is more neceffary in France than England for the Monarch to have the liberty of withholding his confent from laws agreed on by the Deputies of the nation; and yet this liberty would ceafe to be effective if the King's veto were abfolute and indefinite: fuch a veto would become null in England from the fears of using it; and the good of the State in France requires one of a different fort. It is, then, because the action of the veto would be kept up; because it would be rendered real; becaufe its influence would be preferved, that I am of opinion it would be ufeful, if it were limited. I think then, Sir, that, directed as you have always been by a real love for the State, your Majefty fhould not regret the lofs of the exercite of an indefinite veto, if you enjoy a fuípentive one, fuch as it is now explained and I believe the difference between the one and the other cannot be placed on a parallel with the risk of difturbing the public tranquillity. It is by means of this tranquillity that you will be able to preferve the hope of feeing the days of France return amidst the content of the nation. But in the prefent ftate of the kingdom, when fubfiitence, money, the want of fubordination in fome, the means of refiftance in others, and the general difpofition of men's minds occafion a thousand principles of fermentation; it is of the first importance to pre

vent the new diforders that must be the

confequence of a divifion in the National Affembly; fince at prefent it alone, by its unity and perfeverance, can bring back the general peace, reftore to alarmed France her repole and confidence, and give her auguft Monarch the enjoyment of that happinets of which he has been fo long deprived."

The obfervations M. Neckar adds to this memorial of his Report to the Council, are on the duration of the fufpenfion, or, as it is termed, on the number of legislatures for which the veto shail be effective. All will be changed," fays he, if you do not let the power of the veto extend to the completion of the fecond legislature, for the rear of expofing the dignity of the King by the utelets appeal in the second instead of the third, would induce Goverment never to take the chance but, by exacting the royal fafction in the third, there would refult from fuch an establishment the great and remarkable advantage of bringing the King to give his free confent after the expiration of the second, which he would not fail to do, when that period convinced him the public voice was clearly for the law propofed. And though the royal fanction, if made neceflary in the fecond legislature, or in the third, may both be called a fufpenfive veto, yet nothing can be more different or unlike in their effect; and the abfolute veto itself, with the risk of never ufing it, would be preferable to afufpenfive veto for one legislature, which would likewife never be used, whereas the one propofed might be used, and the dignity of the Crown be preserved unimpaired.”

the Affembly to give the executive power M. Neckar goes on to recommend to its neceflary afcendency and force, to con fider the extent and population and dif ferent cuftoms of France; and to avoid placing the Sovereign in the predicament of giving fanction to executive laws he has not approved. Englishmen, says he, thefe old friends of liberty, would never have been able to keep up their conftitution, if the fituation of the King had not been made as eafy for him as that of the other ranks. I recommend that prudence and moderation which will enfure his equal contentment here, and afford you all the means that may conduce to the profperity of the State. My happiness depends on your fuccefs. I do not know why I yet place my glory in it; but it is neverthetiment to fhare your labours; and thould lefs true, that I am drawn by every fenthe unhappy moment arrive, when France in mourning muft turn from her high views, overwhelmed in the fame calamity, I would far off hide my grief and my regret."

Let those who indulge themselves in ridicule of the French Assembly confider, firft,


That they have abolished the game laws that still disgrace Britain:

That they have abolished tythes, that in every part of England and Ireland, grind the induftrious yeomanry, and opprefs agriculture:

That they have abolished all penfions, except thofe for actual fervice rendered to the country:

That they have declared that no minifter nor civil placeman fhall be permitted to fit in the National Affembly:

That they have abolished all heriots, fines, recoveries, and other rights of fuperiority, which are ftill in this kingdom the fubject of inceffant hardship and litigation.

That they have declared every citizen, whatever may be his religious perfuafion, eligible to every office of ftate, and to every honour in the gift of the crown.

The fituation of Paris at this moment, though the violence of the popular ferment is apparently abated, is ftill fo alarming that it is not deemed fafe for any perfon to refide in that capital, who may be fuppofed in the flighteft degree inimical to the views of the people. In confequence of this critical ftate of things, all the foreign minifters are preparing to return to their respective countries, rather than expofe the powers they reprefent to any indignity through the medium of their own perfons. The packets at Dieppe and Calais are perpetually crowded with French emigrants. In the country the tumults ftill continue nearly as great as ever, and with as much violence, the mob fill amufing themselves with burning the gentlemen's feats, &c.

The game will probably be nearly annihilated in France in a thort time; for though, by the resolutions of the Affembly, it is only made property, every body takes the liberty of thooting, and otherwise destroying them. There was a general flaughter on Sunday in the neighbourhood of Paris. The hares were killed by hundreds; and the partridges, being driven from place to place, and unable to find any reft, were easily knocked down with fticks, and picked up by the hand alive. Men, women, and children retured laden with them into every part of the town on Sunday evening.

Paris is greatly incommoded by a gang of workmen and artizans, to the amount of 15,000 or 18,000 men, who came hither with the profpect of plunder, the fame as wolves and crows are always known to fellow a camp.

Thefe miferable people have already done much mischief; they come chiefly from Piedmont, Genoa, and even from Dalmatia; but they are instantly to be conducted back to the frontiers, with the allowance of 4 fous for every league they, travel.

The unaccountable and various pretenfions of human nature is illuftrated in the character of one of the French patriots. This man attends regularly the place of execution at Paris, and executes gratis, for the good of his country, all delinquents!!!

The French having now obtained a freedom of prefs, are availing themselves of its advantages. They have chofen the following motto for one of their daily papers?" A free Newspaper is a centinel which watches inceffantly for the people."

The Marquis de Grimaldi, a relation of his Holiness the Pope, paffing through the Palais Royale on Thursday, and ob ferving the new uniform coats of the citizens expofed to fale, fneeringly inquired for what corps those dreffes were intend ed? On being anfwered, " For the city militia;"-" for a set of Jean Foutres, (faid he) who deferve hanging."

Fortunately for him, there were but few perfons prefent, otherwise he would, in all probability, have vifited the fatal lamp-poft; but he was inftantly apprehended, and fent under strong guard to the traitor's prifon, at the Abbaye St Germain, where he will probably pass his autumn.

The popularity of M. Neckar is on the decline with the people of France; they expected from him what man could not perform, and their expectations being deceived, they throw that blame upon him which they ought to throw upon themfelves. By fome means France muft, if government is ever to be again restored to that diftracted country, have money raifed. The minifter conceives that fortyfeven millions of pounds Sterling will be neceffary, and propofes a plan for raifing that fum, and for its difcharge.

Difference of times.-In 1655, Louis XIV. who was at that time not above feventeen years of age, went in a hunting drefs, and entering the Parliament chamber in jack boots and a whip in his hand, made ufe of thefe very words, accompa nied by such a look, that, as a French hiftorian remarks, "his eyes spoke more fenfible than his mouth."

"The mischiefs your Affembly produces are well known, and I command


you to break up,-and, Mr President, I forbid you to permit these affemblies to meet again, or any one of you to demand to meet."

Paris, Sept. 18. The determination of the three grand articles of the Conftitution, has produced a calm in the hemifphere of politics, fuch as has not been experienced for many weeks. People feem wholly employed in reflecting on thefe grand objects, and the confequences they are to produce.

Paris and Verfailles are in the utmost tranquility, though the latter has been again threatned in anonymous hand-bills.

The fteps taken by Count d'Estaing to prevent any future alarm to the National Affembly, has been attended with the moft happy effect.

The King likewife appears more tranquil in his countenance, from this great addition to his fecurity. The Queen is with him at Versailles.

Nothing further has paffed in the National Affembly, than fome more offer ings of patriotifm for the relief of the ftate. Two young ladies fent their jewels to a large amount; but declined to be known.

A M. de Guiche, has made a prefent of 12,000 livres.

It has been ordered to have a regifter made of the names of thofe patriotic perfons who have fo nobly stood forward in the public caufe.

The Duke of Orleans has accepted the command of Generaliffimo of the Volunteers of Orleans. His anfwer to the Deputies of the town was couched in the following terms:


"I accept the title of Generaliffimo of the National militia of Orleans; but under the exprefs condition, that no milita ry operation is made in my name, nor in virtue of any order which may be confidered as proceeding from me,-as the military power never ought to act but in the execution of the previous orders given to it by the civil power, conftituted according to the law.

(Signed) L. P. J. D'ORLEANS." The Duke has prefented the militia with a fet of colours, with the infcription, "Courage and Loyalty."

Hague. Auguft 21. Accounts have been received here from Liege that, on the 18th inftant, a tumultuous affembly of the inhabitants of that city, and its diftrict, had furrounded the palace of the Prince Bifhop, and extorted his affent to different demands; one of which was

that the States General of that principa lity fhould be forthwith affembled.

A refcript from the Imperial Charter of Witzlaer has been fent to Liege, or dering the Prince Bishop to be reflored to all his rights. In confequence of which, the Three Eftates affembled at the Hotel de Ville at Liege, and unanimously entered into a folemn act, with the deputies of the twenty-two towns in the Low Countries, agreeing to make it a folemn act, and have "fworn to each other, in the name of the Almighty God, and by their country, to maintain their ancient conflitution with their fortunes, and at the risk of lofing their laft drops of blood, according to the fine expreffion of their ancient alliances "Sans ceffe les uns apres les autres." This act has been fealed, figned, and mutually exchanged, declaring that it was done, "without any rank or diftinction what ever, regarding themselves as brethren, who had only one right and one intereft in common.

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It is commonly faid of the city of Liege" that it is the Hell of avomen; because they are obliged to live a laborious life; the Purgatory of men, because they are almoft all governed by their wives and the Paradife of Monks on account of their rich benefices."

Formerly the inhabitants of this place would not fubmit to the Bishop; in confequence of which he erected two fortified caftles, which foon produced the defired effect. The period of compelling by force, however, feems now to be banifhed; as the prefent Prince Bishop, by his retreat, feems to permit his fubjects to decide on what political regulations they like beft.

Letters received yesterday from Lyons, confirm the late accounts from Avignon the people there have shaken off the papal government, and put themselves under that of France-They say that they are Frenchmen; that is, they defire to be as free as we ate, and they are certainly right; no abfolute treaties, by which they have been fold or alienated to the Holy See, fhould ftop them-men fhould not be treated like beafts of burden.

Madrid, Auguft 24. An edict of his Catholic Majefty has juft been published here, by which the trade to the port of Manilla, hitherto confined to the Afiatic nations, is opened for the term of three years, to commence from the 1ft of September 1790, to the fhips of all the European powers, which are allowed to carry thither any Afiatic produce (the


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