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pearance, therefore, of this country, an uncommon variety will be found for the regulation of neutral rights; and, strictly speaking, there had been no great neutral power in the world before the United States. Even in treaties of very exact language, a legitimate blockade is defined in a vague manner; it is made an affair of construction, and to settle construction between nations will always be attended with extreme difficulties. We know not how the principle of "free ships, free goods" was excluded from the code. We have not looked very accurately into the collections; but we have no doubt, that three-fourths of the commercial conventions since that of Westphalia in 1668, expressly recognise this doctrine; and though it is found, we believe, in every treaty made by this country, except those with England, the American government, at an early period of its history, declared it was not one of the established principles of the commercial laws of nations.* We have no disposition to undervalue the labour of writers on public law. On the contrary, they have rendered great services to mankind; for it is, obviously, important, that nations should possess a code to regulate their conduct in regard to each other. We cannot reduce public or national law to the precision of municipal. This is not necessary. But we may fairly suppose, that a code so decidedly improved during the last century, is susceptible, still, of greater perfection. The rights of belligerents are accurately defined; so, that in truth, war, and the relations of nations in war, are now regulated by precise. laws. This has been done by the progress of civilization ; and no one will deny, it has been highly beneficial. There is another part of this code still in a confused and unsatisfactory condition;-an adjustment of the rights and duties of neutrals. There have been constant difficulties on the subject of blockades, contrabands, and the right of search; but none of them are at all new; they occurred with great severity in the application in the beginning of the last century. In the wars that have just ended, in which this country

*See Mr. Jefferson's letter of July 24, 1793.

finally took a part, and which were, in some respects, maritime, not a single principle, beneficial to the neutral, has been secured. In all the treaties made in the celebrated years of 1814, 1816, treaties, that appear to guaranty the repose of the world for centuries, we find no allusion to the neutral. And it is, truly, a most discouraging circumstance, how completely all armed neutralities have been dissolved, and how entirely the obligation different states (this country among others) have entered into, to establish a convention for the protection of the neutral, have been forgotten on the return of peace. Still, he should not be in despair. The great improvements, taking place in society and in the intercourse of nations, will probably in time reach that portion of the code, that relates to him.

There has been in Europe, for three centuries, in a small, compact space, a remarkable collection and concentration of powerful nations;-the frontiers of the principal, laying so close to each other, that they had become rivals rather in arms than in commerce. Even the small states, forming a part of the balance of power, were drawn by the attraction of the larger bodies from a neutral position. Before the armed neutrality of the North, a scheme dictated by personal ambition and desire of aggrandizement, (partaking entirely of a political character, and as far as Russia and France were concerned) adopted for any other purpose than the benefit of neutrals, the period that may be selected, as most marked by favourable dispositions in regard to neutrals, is, probably, that of the peace and treaties of Utrecht. It is most likely that the balance of power was then more fairly and nicely adjusted ;-it may, also, be the true date of the beginning of British commercial supremacy, though it was not very apparent till the peace of 1763. At any rate, as that supremacy rose, the hopes of the neutral have fallen. Since the time of Charles the V., all Europe has been occupied with a consideration of the balance of power, applied to the land, but a proper attention does not appear to have been paid to the unequal manner, in which power may be distributed on the ocean. To the maritime superiority of Great

Britain, no effective and steady resistance has been opposed for one hundred years, except by this country. The true fountain and strength of that resistance consists in the distant situation of the United States,-the habits and character of the people,—and the undoubted interest we have in maintaining neutrality. At the late great division of spoil in Europe, England was permitted to appropriate to her own use the best islands and commercial marts in every sea, while the other powers were busy in seeking indemnities, reclaiming statues and pictures, and rounding and squaring their territories.

The war with England, and the movements in the British House of Commons in the beginning of the summer of '82, finally induced the provinces, not only to make a treaty, but Mr. Adams was enabled, under those favourable auspices to negotiate a loan with certain merchants of Amsterdam, at first (in September 1782) for* 5,000,000 guilders at 5 per cent. redeemable in ten years ;-2,000,000 at 4 per cent. in '85; and, again, 1,000,000 in 1787 at 5 per cent. The price of these loans was, probably higher than was paid by other nations; but America did not enter into the market of Amsterdam with all the advantages of a well established government. When the first loan was contracted in September '82, very little doubt could exist but that America would be able ultimately to maintain her independence against the claims of the mother country. But this was not sufficient for the European money lender. to satisfy him, that the confederacy of "74, whose pledge was his only security, would remain united, would not separate into thirteen independent governments, neither willing nor able to execute their engagements. The debts, contracted by the United States in Europe, during the revolution, were all honourably paid; but the adoption of the constitution of '89, and the establishment of a treasury department, contributed in no small degree to this happy result.

It was necessary

* In November 1781, the French king borrowed, for the United States, of the States General, 5,000,000 florins, at 4 per cent.

The pecuniary embarrassments under which the confederacy laboured, both as it respects the foreign and domestic debt, constituted, in reality, one of the principal arguments in favour of the present union of the States; and the Dutch as well as French creditor is much indebted to that change in the concerns of the country for the speedy and exact payment of his demands.

As the United Provinces were the second state to acknowledge the independence of this country, so they were the second to send a minister plenipotentiary to the Congress at Philadelphia. This was done with great promptitude. The person appointed was P. T. Van Berckel. He arrived in America in the autumn of '83, and in October of the same year was admitted, in the form prescribed, to a public audience. He addressed a speech to Congress on the occasion in the French language. A greater interest than common is justly attached to his sentiments, as there is some slight resemblance in the history of the Dutch and American revolutions.

CHAPTER IV.

TREATY OF 1783 WITH GREAT BRITAIN.

Lord North attempts a Peace-America early conquered every thing she sought-Members of Parliament see Franklin privately-Ministry, as well as Opposition against acknowledgment of Independence -Lord Chatham speaks against it—Mediation of European courts —Unsuccessful—Adams' correspondence with Vergennes respecting official character-Austria and Russia not in favour of Independence —General Conway's resolution-Decides the question of War-New Ministry-Oswald and Grenville sent to Paris-Not officiallyFailed-Lord Cholmondelly visits Franklin-Shelburne's Administration-Franklin's correspondence-Oswald instructed to acknowledge the Independence-Account of Negotiation from secret journals -Adams, Franklin, Jay, Laurens and Jefferson authorized to treat -Meet at Paris-Jay's firmness in declining to treat-Opposed to Vergennes and Franklin-Gets Oswald's commission altered-Difficulty as to loyalists-Make a compromise through violation of instructions-Anecdote of Jay-Conclude a Treaty-Boundaries— Fisheries-Agreed to Treaty without consulting France-Violation of Instructions-Explained-Michel's Map-France and Spain desirous of Fisheries and Western Country-De Rayneval's opinion of boundaries—Treaty honourable and favourable to America—Unpopular in England—Ministry in minority on first division-Necessary sacrifice.

THE war, that led to the independence of the American colonies, began in 1775. The fatal celebrity, of having commenced hostilities, belongs to the administration, of which Lord North was first lord of the treasury, though the origin of the dispute may be traced to an earlier period in English history. For nearly four years, this administration had successfully withstood the accumulated disasters of the war abroad; and at home, they had resisted with equal good for

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