us, and, of course, hurtful to our affairs elsewhere. I think they are shortsighted, and do not look very far into futurity, or they would seize with avidity so excellent an opportunity of securing a neighbour's friendship, which may hereafter be of great consequence to their American affairs.

If I were in Congress, I should advise your being instructed to thank them for past favors, and take

your

leave. As I am situated, I do not presume to give you such advice, nor could you take it, if I should. But I conceive there would be nothing amiss in your mentioning in a short memoir, the length of time elapsed since the date of the secret article, and since your arrival, to urge their determination upon it, and pressing them to give you an explicit, definitive, immediate answer, whether they would enter into treaty with us or not, and, in case of refusal, solicit your recall, that you may not continue from year to year, at a great expense, in a constant state of uncertainty with regard to so important a matter. I do not see how they can decently refuse such an answer. But their silence, after the demand made, should in my opinion be understood as a refusal, and we should act accordingly. I think I see a very good use that might be made of it, which I will not venture to explain in this letter.

Mr. Laurens, being now at liberty, perhaps may soon come here, and be ready to join us, if there should be any negotiations for peace. In England they are mad for a separate one with us, that they may more effectually take revenge on France and Spain. I have had several overtures hinted to me lately from different quarters, but I am deaf. The thing is impossible. We can never agree to desert our first and our faithful friend on any consideration whatever. We should become infamous by such abominable baseness.

u

To Robert R. I received, at the same time, your several Livingston,* dated Passy,

letters of October 20th, 24th, and November 28 Jan., 1782. 26th, which I purpose to answer fully by the return of the Alliance. Having just had a very short notice of the departure of this ship, I can only at present mention the great pleasure your appointment gives me, and my intention of corresponding with you regularly and frequently, as you desire. The information contained in your letters is full and clear; I shall endeavour that mine, of the state of affairs here, may be as satisfactory. With great esteem, &c.

* Robert R. Livingston was appointed by Congress Secretary of Foreign Affairs in the fall of 1781. In his first official letter to Franklin, dated Oct. 20th, 1781, he said :

Congress having lately thought it advisable to alter the arrangement of their great executive departments, and to dissolve the Boards and Committees under whose direction they formerly were, I am to inform you, that they have done me the honor to appoint me their Secretary of Foreign Affairs; in which capacity they have made it my duty, as it will always be my inclination, to maintain an intimate and regular correspondence with you. I have this day taken the oaths of office."

Mr. Livingston then goes on to give Franklin the news of the impending capture of Cornwallis and his army, and some other military intelligences. He continues :

"I need not tell you, Sir, how anxious I shall be to hear from you on every occasion. Nothing short of the most constant and regular information will satisfy Congress. We have much to learn, and few opportunities of acquiring information. Your situation not only enables you to let us know what passes with you, but to extend your inquiries to courts where we have no ministers, and of whose politics we would not choose to be ignorant, though they may but remotely concern us at present. For my own part, I freely confess that I rely much upon your knowledge and experience to supply my want of both.

"I propose to write so frequently to you as to keep you fully informed, not only of what is but of what is not done, since the last may sometimes be as important to you as the first.

“ As far, Sir, as you may find a similar task consistent with your health, your leisure, and your various avocations you will render us essential service in imposing it upon yourself,

a

To David You have taken pains to rectify a mistake Hartley, da ted Passy, 16

of mine, relating to the aim of your letters. I Feb., 1782. accept kindly your replication, and I hope you will excuse my error, when you reflect, that I knew of no consent given by France to our treating separately of peace, and that there have been mixed in some of your conversations and letters various reasonings, to show, that, if France should require something of us that was unreasonable, we then should not be obliged by our treaty to join

Congress having resolved that all communications with their ministers abroad shall pass through this office, you will do me the honor, Sir, to direct in future all your public letters to me."

Four days later Mr. Livingston wrote as follows to Franklin:

Philadelphia, 24 October, 1781. “ DEAR SIR, “Three days since, I did myself the honor to write to you, informing you of my appointment to the Secretaryship of Foreign Affairs; and preparing you for the happy event which has taken place. Enclosed you have the capitulation of Yorktown and Gloucester, by which a British army of five thousand six hundred men was surrendered to the allied arms of France and America; and no inconsiderable fleet, with eight hundred seamen, to the navy of His Most Christian Majesty.

"Since my last, which was written the day after I entered upon office, I have seen yours of the 14th of May. There are many things in it which deserve the attention I mean to pay it, when the first hurry the intelligence I communicate occasions is over. But, Sir, there is a part which I cannot delay to take notice of, because I feel myself interested in opposing the resolution that you seem to have formed of quitting the station, which, for the honor of the United States, you now hold. I shall be impatient till I hear, that you comply with the wishes of Congress on this subject, as communicated long since. Though the new powers with which you are invested impose additional burdens upon you, yet, as they at once contain the amplest testimonials of the approbation of Congress, and directly lead to the completion of the great cause in which you so early engaged, I cannot but flatter myself that you will take it upon you. I sent with my first letter to you one to the Count de Vergennes, informing him of my appointment. You will do me the honor to present it. I am, Sir, &c.

“ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON."

with her in continuing the war. As there had never been such requisition, what could I think of such discourses ? I thought, as I suppose an honest woman would think, if a gallant should entertain her with suppositions of cases, in which infidelity to her husband would be justifiable. Would not she naturally imagine, seeing no other foundation or motive for such conversation, that, if he could once get her to admit the general principle, his intended next step would be to persuade her, that such a case actually existed ? Thus, knowing your dislike of France, and your strong desire of recovering America to England, I was impressed with the idea, that such an infidelity on our part would not be disagreeable to you; and that you were therefore aiming to lessen in my mind the horror I conceived at the idea of it. But we will finish here by mutually agreeing, that neither you were capable of proposing, nor I of acting on, such principles.

I cannot, however, forbear endeavouring to give a little possible utility to this letter, by saying something on your case of Dunkirk. You do not see, why two nations should be deemed natural enemies to each other. Nor do I, unless one or both of them are naturally mischievous and insolent. But I can see how enmities long continued, even during a peace, tend to shorten that peace, and to rekindle a war; and this is when either party, having an advantage in war, shall exact conditions in the treaty of peace, that are goading and constantly mortifying to the other. I take this to be the case of your “ commissioner at Dunkirk.' What would be your feelings, if France should take and hold possession of Portsmouth, or Spain of Plymouth, after a peace, as you formerly held Calais, and now hold Gibraltar? Or, on restoring your ports, should insist on having an insolent commissioner stationed there, to forbid your placing one stone upon another by way of fortification ? You would probably not be very easy under such a stipulation. If therefore you desire a peace, that may be firm and durable, think no more of such extravagant demands. It is not necessary to give my opinion further on that point, yet I may add frankly, as this is merely private conversation between you and me, that I do think a faithful ally, especially when under obligations for such great and generous assistance as we have received, should fight as long as he is able, to prevent, as far as his continuing to fight may prevent, his friends being compelled again to suffer such an insult.

My dear friend, the true pains you are taking to restore peace, whatever may be the success, entitle you to the esteem of all good men. If your ministers really desire peace methinks they would do well to empower some person to make propositions for that purpose.

One or other of the parties at war must take the first step. To do this belongs properly to the wisest. America being a novice in such affairs, has no pretence to that character; and indeed after the answer given by Lord Stormont (when we proposed to him something relative to the mutual treatment of prisoners with humanity), that “the King's ministers receive no applications from rebels, unless when they come to implore his Majesty's clemency," it cannot be expected, that we should hazard the exposing ourselves again to such insolence. All I can say further at present is, that in my opinion your enemies do not aim at your destruction, and that if you propose a treaty you will find them reasonable in their demands, provided that on your side they meet with the same good dispositions. But do not dream of dividing us; you will certainly never be able to effect it